Burma’s Apartheid

* Note : The photo essay below, a part of my ‘Burma Project‘, has been twice updated on May 30 and on September 3, 2014 with additional stories of Rohingya refugees and ‘boat people’ from Bangladesh and Malaysia. The initial posting has shown pictures from inside Burma only. The essay was made possible with kind support by <RheeYeungHui Foundation

** To watch a slideshow of the essay (in part), please click here and here

Lee Yu Kyung in Burma, Bangladesh and Malaysia 

Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State in Western Burma has succeeded in virtually ‘Muslims-Free Street’ ever since the sectarian violence turned to be a massacre of Rohingya Muslims took place in 2012. From busy market to quiet alley, Muslims have been driven out to be seen nowhere. Yet they are found either IDPs Camp on the outskirt of Sittwe, or the last Muslims quarter of the city named Aung Mingalar.

The Camp is vast ghetto field sheltering more than a hundred of thousands Muslims. Aung Mingalar is a ‘ghetto in downtown’ which is surrounded by several checkpoints and invisible but vigilant Buddhists neighbors. ‘’It is not segregation but for security”, argue some Buddhists, including  ‘democracy activists’ in the country. Their excuse is to ‘prevent further clash by inevitably separating the two communities’. It is, however, nothing short of segregation motivated racially and religiously. And I call it ‘Burma’s Apartheid‘.

The violence against Muslims in 2013 has not limited in Arakan State but spread into upper Burma, notably Meiktila in Mandalay region. Meiktila was another occasion to have witnessed over a hundred of Muslims got massacred in front of unnerved police in March 2013. Islamic school and students, Muslims villages and villagers, and 12 mosques of the city’s 13 mosques were hacked by Buddhist mobs. It thus deserves to be called a ‘massacre of Islam’. Meiktila today appears little better than Sittwe. Thousands of the displaced whose lives are in disarray around the IDPs camps have no place to return. Ever marginalized Muslims live in constant fear.

It is crucial to note that Burmese military regime for half a century has developed state policy based on ‘Islamophobia’. The policy has been tooled whenever the power needed. The worst victim of it is Rohingya Muslim as they have been suppressed in both racially and religiously. They have been denied their existence despite their presence for generations. And most of all, they have been driven out from their birth place by state forces combined with ultra nationalist mob. Human rights groups have warned what they call ‘ethnic cleansing’ could be heading to an extent of genocide, unless discriminative state policy and hatred violence against Rohingya is to be braked.

For the past months I’ve traveled to countries, where substantial number of Rohingya populations have been found or sheltered as refugees. Rohingya have faced humanitarian crisis not only inside Arakan state, but also neighboring country Bangladesh where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees have been living in registered or unregistered camps, otherwise in slum area quietly. Out of hundreds of thousands, only 30,000 refugees had been recognized in early 90s, leaving majority with virtually nothing. All these conditions have forced Rohingya from both Arakan state and Bangladesh to take a way out their own, relying on smugglers for their perilous boat journey.

My essay has covered all corners, where Rohingya be segregated, barely eke out a living and exploited by smugglers to reach in Malaysia where they can get odd job as illegal workers.

Welcome to Aung Mingalar, Burma’s Apartheid (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Welcome to Aung Mingalar, Burma’s Apartheid (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is a ghetto in downtown. Several thousands of Muslims living Aung Mingalar are denied freedom of  movement. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is a ghetto in downtown. Several thousands of Muslims living in Aung Mingalar are denied freedom of movement. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is the last Muslims quarter left after the massacre of 2012. Residents of the quarter are denied freedom of movement, which has seriously affected their livelihood. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is the last Muslims quarter left after the massacre of 2012. Residents of the quarter are denied freedom of movement, which has seriously affected their livelihood. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Armed guards are stationed inside Aung Mingalar, which is surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Armed guards are stationed inside Aung Mingalar, which is already surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A resident try to express the situation of theirs being stuck in the quarter. Aung Minglara is surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A resident tries to express the situation of being stuck in the quarter. Aung Mingarlar is surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

The violence in Arankan State in 2012 has more marginalized Rohingya Muslims than ever before as they were driven out from the city area. The UN describes Rohingya, who’s deprived of citizenship, is one of the most persecuted minorities on earth. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

The violence in Arankan State in 2012 has more marginalized Rohingya Muslims than ever before as they were driven out from the city area. The UN describes Rohingya, who’s deprived of citizenship, is one of the most persecuted minorities on earth. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Security forces in Aung Mingalar are unpleased being photographed. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Security forces in Aung Mingalar are unpleased being photographed. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A resident try to express the situation of theirs being stuck in the quarter. Aung Minglara is surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Another resident tries to express the situation of being stuck in the quarter. People in Aung Minglara are denied freedom of going to market. The quarter is surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire.
(Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is the last Muslim quarter in Sittwe left after a massacre in 2012. Residents are confined within the quarter surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Aung Mingalar is the last Muslim quarter in Sittwe left after a massacre in 2012. Residents are confined within the quarter surrounded by checkpoints and barbed wire. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lie down in Dapaing clinic located inside IDPs camp. He’s got injured as police forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured on Auguest 9. Some security forces and Hlun Tin (riot police) inside the camp are said to be elements of former Nasaka (or border guard force in Western Burma) which were officially disbanded in July. Muslims IDPs almost unanimously said they are afraid of more ‘police’ than the ‘army’.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lies down in Dapaing clinic located inside IDPs camp. He’s got injured as police forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured on Auguest 9, 2013. Some security forces and Hlun Tin (riot police) inside the camp are said to be elements of former Nasaka (or border guard force in Western Burma) which was officially disbanded in July. Muslims IDPs almost unanimously said they are afraid of ‘police’ more than the ‘army’. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lie down in Dapaing clinic located inside IDPs camp. He’s got injured as police forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured on Auguest 9. Some security forces and Hlun Tin (riot police) inside the camp are said to be elements of former Nasaka (or border guard force in Western Burma) which were officially disbanded in July. Muslims IDPs almost unanimously said they are afraid of more ‘police’ than the ‘army’.   (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lies down in Dapaing clinic located inside IDPs camp. He’s got injured as police forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured on Auguest 9. Some security forces and Hlun Tin (riot police) inside the camp are said to be elements of former Nasaka (or border guard force in Western Burma) which was officially disbanded in July. Muslims IDPs almost unanimously said they are afraid of ‘police’ more than the ‘army’. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lies down inside a truck at yard of Dapaing clinic in IDPs camp area. He’s got injured as security forces shot at crowd on August 9, resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured. Despite his serious injury, he was left with no emergency treatment or ambulance brought-in at photographing time on August 10. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya IDP lies down inside a truck at yard of Dapaing clinic in IDPs camp. He’s got injured as security forces shot at crowd on August 9, resulting in a few deaths and a dozen injured. Despite his serious injury, he was left with no emergency treatment or ambulance brought-in at photographing time on August 10. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

14.An injured Rohingya IDP is being transported to hospital by trawshaw (local transport) a day after shooting incident, in which security forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd on August 9. Local residents and IDPs in the camp area claimed security forces detained the injured inside the police station to release them later on. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

An injured Rohingya IDP is being transported to hospital by trawshaw (local transport) a day after shooting incident, in which security forces in Ohn Daw Gyi and Baw Du Paw camps have shot at crowd on August 9. Local residents and IDPs in the camp area claimed security forces detained the injured inside the police station to release them later on. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Another injured person named ''Jamal'' was being transported to hospital by his relatives on August 10, a day after he got shot. They said they had walked for three hours from the far-distanced Sit Tet Maw Gyi camp, where Jamal shot by security forces. He was announced to be dead on August 11 till when he could not get any proper operation.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Another injured person named ”Jamal” is being transported to hospital by his relatives on August 10, a day after he got shot. They said they had walked for three hours from the far-distanced Sit Tet Maw Gyi camp, where Jamal shot by security forces. He was announced to be dead on August 11 till when he could not get any proper operation. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Nassir Abdulla (25) was shot dead on August 9 as he crossed the road from market to Baw Du Paw camp, where he lived. He had two gun shots to his back. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Nassir Abdulla (25) was shot dead on August 9 as he crossed the road from market to Baw Du Paw camp, where he lived. He had two gun shots to his back. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rubber bullets and live ammunition were left seen in Baw Du Paw IDPs camp, where the second shooting by security forces took place on August 9. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Cartridges of rubber bullets and live ammunitions were left seen in Baw Du Paw IDPs camp, where the second shooting by security forces took place on August 9. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rohingya IDP Abu Sidique (44) said he voted for ‘Than Shwe party’ in the last election in 2010 as the party had promised Rohingya to grant them citizenship.  Abu felt betrayed. ‘’I will never vote for that party’’ he said.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rohingya IDP Abu Sidique (44) said he voted for ‘Than Shwe party’ in the last election in 2010 as the party had promised Rohingya to grant them citizenship. Abu felt betrayed. ‘’I will never vote for that party’’ he said. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

During the violence in 2012 Rohingya woman Nor Jan (54) has lost her white card, the one used for Rohingya to vote or to get permission for movement otherwise useless. As the 1982 citizenship law has been started to be implemented early 90s, the then military regime SLORC issued the new card called National Scrutiny Card (or NSC, pink card) in an exchange of the previous ID card called National Registration Card (or NRC, green card). However many Rohingya, who submitted NRC card, got issued white card instead of pink card. And also around the time of referendum for 2008 constitution and 2010 general election, authority massively issued white cards for Rohingya to encourage vote for their favor. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

During the violence in 2012 Rohingya woman Nor Jan (54) has lost her white card, the one used for Rohingya to vote or to get permission for movement otherwise useless. As the 1982 citizenship law has been started to be implemented early 90s, the then military regime SLORC issued the new card called National Scrutiny Card (or NSC, pink card) in an exchange of the previous ID card called National Registration Card (or NRC, green card). However many Rohingya, who submitted NRC card, got issued white card instead of pink card. And also around the time of referendum for 2008 constitution and 2010 general election, authority massively issued white cards for Rohingya to encourage vote for their favor. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Public toilet in the IDPs camp on the outskirt of Sittwe. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Public toilet in the IDPs camp on the outskirt of Sittwe. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

U Sa King Tha, is known to be relatively moderate and cooperative with International NGOs in Sittwe. He, however, has claimed that root cause of the conflict was because Rohingya Muslims have produced too many children. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

U Sa King Tha, is known to be relatively moderate and cooperative with International NGOs in Sittwe. He, however, has claimed that root cause of the conflict was because Rohingya Muslims have produced too many children. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State in Western Burma has succeeded in virtually ‘Muslims-Free Street’ ever since the sectarian violence turned to be a massacre of Rohingya Muslims took place in 2012 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Sittwe, the capital of Arakan State in Western Burma has succeeded in virtually ‘Muslims-Free Street’ ever since the sectarian violence turned to be a massacre of Rohingya Muslims took place in 2012 (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Main market in Sittwe, where there used to be over 300 Muslims shops, but all had been driven out. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Main market in Sittwe, where there used to be over 300 Muslims shops, but all had been driven out. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Maramagy children work in market area. Their appearance is closer to Rohingya but they are Buddhists. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Maramagy children are at work in market area. Their appearance is closer to Rohingya but they are Buddhists. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Many of residents in Sittwe used to be working on fishing boats. Ever since violence in 2012, however, Muslims fisher men have been all driven out of the port area as well as other part of the city. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Many of residents in Sittwe used to be working on fishing boats. Ever since violence in 2012, however, Muslims fisher men have been all driven out of the port area as well as other part of the city. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Sittwe General Hospital is the biggest medical facility and de facto the only functioning one in Sittwe. Yet Rohingya Muslims hardly be accepted or treated. They, sometimes, are forcibly transported out of the hospital in the name security concern as Rakhine extremists threaten not to treat Muslims. (Photo Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Sittwe General Hospital is the biggest medical facility and de facto the only functioning one in Sittwe. Yet Rohingya Muslims hardly be accepted or treated. They, sometimes, are forcibly transported out of the hospital in the name security concern as Rakhine extremists threaten not to treat Muslims. (Photo Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rakhine Buddhist protests against Tomas Quintana, the UN Human rights envoy to Burma. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rakhine Buddhist protests against Tomas Quintana, the UN Human rights envoy to Burma. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Tomas Quintana, the UN Human rights envoy to Burma till May 2014, has been followed and protested by Rakhine  Bhuddists as he was visiting the state in August 2013. (Photo Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Tomas Quintana, the UN Human rights envoy to Burma till May 2014, has been followed and protested by Rakhine Bhuddists as he was visiting the state in August 2013. (Photo Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs camps in Sittwe are officially funded. It appears tidy and well cared by the state government as well as union government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung)

Rakhine IDPs camps in Sittwe are officially funded. It appears tidy and well cared by the state government as well as union government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs were testifying their experience during the sectarian violence in June 2012. They said they do not want to live with Muslims anymore at all. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs are testifying their experience during the sectarian violence in June 2012. They said they do not want to live with Muslims anymore at all. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs camp in Sittwe appears tidy and well cared by the state government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs camp in Sittwe appears tidy and well cared by the state government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs camp in Sittwe appears tidy and well cared by the state government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Rakhine IDPs camp in Sittwe appears tidy and well cared by the state government. They have no restriction of movement unlike Muslims IDPs. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Tomas Quintana was meeting with renowned monks at Shwezedi monastery in Sittwe. Some of monks in Sittwe were actively involved in 2007 Shaffron revolution.  Nontheless they are heavily nationalistic, holding suspicion on the UN envoy Tomas Quintana being biased.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Tomas Quintana is meeting with renowned monks at Shwezedi monastery in Sittwe. Some of monks in Sittwe were actively involved in 2007 Shaffron revolution. Nontheless they are heavily nationalistic, holding suspicion on the UN envoy Tomas Quintana being biased. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Sittwe Prison. Political prisoners including Min Ko Naing used to be jailed in Sittwe Prison. These days, Rohingya prisoners including renowned lawyer activist Kyaw Hla Aung have been jailed in the prison.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Sittwe Prison. Political prisoners including Min Ko Naing used to be jailed in Sittwe Prison. These days, Rohingya prisoners including renowned lawyer activist Kyaw Hla Aung have been jailed in the prison. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

U Wirathu, the monk leading the Buddhist extremist 969 movement showed a picture of a Muslims man, who U Wirathu claimed, committed domestic violence against his Buddhist wife. He has advocated that Buddhist women should not married to Muslims men.  (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

U Wirathu, the monk leading the Buddhist extremist 969 movement is showing a picture of a Muslims man, who U Wirathu claimed, committed domestic violence against his Buddhist wife. He has advocated that Buddhist women should not marry to Muslims men. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Meiktila, the small trade town in upper Burma, has witnessed ‘massacre of Islam’ in March 2013. Muslims quarters were devastated and bulldozed. According to Muslim representatives, local government has summoned them after the massacre assuring the land would be belong to government, and there will be new construction project building Apartment. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Meiktila, the small trade town in upper Burma, has witnessed ‘massacre of Islam’ in March 2013. Muslims quarters were devastated and bulldozed. According to Muslim representatives, local government has summoned them after the massacre assuring the land would be belong to government, and there will be new construction project building Apartment. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Muslim woman in Meiktila was repairing cloths by sewing machine at home. Before and after the March massacre, Muslim business and their livelihood have been heavily affected by the violence as well as the 969 boycott. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Muslim woman in Meiktila is repairing cloths by sewing machine at home. Before and after the March massacre, Muslim business and their livelihood have been heavily affected by the violence as well as the 969 boycott. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

43.Min Ko Naing from 88 Generation and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attended at the ceremony of the 25th anniversary of 88 Uprising in Rangoon. As the new Burma has been embracing more and more violence against Muslims, some members of the 88 Generations and the NLD alike have not hidden their Islamophobic racism.  (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

Min Ko Naing from 88 Generation and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi attend at the ceremony of the 25th anniversary of 88 Uprising in Rangoon. As the new Burma has been embracing more and more violence against Muslims, some members of the 88 Generations and the NLD alike have not hidden their Islamophobic racism. (Phhoto © Lee Yu Kyung 2013)

A Rohingya woman and her child living in slum area of Cox’s Bazar district, Bangladesh. There are Rohingya dwellers who came to Bangladesh in 1978 when 250,000 Rohingya refugees influxed from Burma due to military operation as well as those who arrived in 2012, when the sectarian violence has turn to be a massacre of Rohingya community in that slum. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

A Rohingya woman and her child living in slum area of Cox’s Bazar district, Bangladesh. There are Rohingya dwellers who came to Bangladesh in 1978 when 250,000 Rohingya refugees influxed from Burma due to military operation as well as those who arrived in 2012, when the sectarian violence has turn to be a massacre of Rohingya community in that slum. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

A Rohingya girl living in slum area in Cox's Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influx into neighboring Bangladesh. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

A Rohingya girl living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh, where they are left without aid or recognition as a refugee. Bangladesh authority has not allowed UNHCR for refugee determination process (or RDP) since early 90s. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya women living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Rohingya women living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums area. . Bangladesh authority has not allowed UNHCR for refugee determination process (or RDP) since early 90s. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya children living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Rohingya children living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums. . Bangladesh authority has not allowed UNHCR for refugee determination process (or RDP) since early 90s. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

4 year-old Rohingya boy, who was born to bear hunchback, has had difficulty to take a breath due to some accident. The family is not able to afford any hospital care as they are living in unregistered refugee camp in Bangladesh Cox’s Bazar district without aid and income source. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

4 year-old Rohingya boy, who was born to bear hunchback, has had difficulty to take a breath since accidents. The family is not able to afford any hospital care as they are living in unregistered refugee camp in Bangladesh Cox’s Bazar district without aid and income source. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

An elderly woman is washing clothes in one of the two unregistered refugee camps Cox’s Bazar district in Bangladesh. Living conditions of the unregistered Rohingya camps in Bangladesh are extremely poor as there’s no food ration but limited basic medical supplies by a few NGOs, to whom Bangladesh authority has told ‘stop the aid operation’ in 2012. Out of the hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, only 30,000 had been recognized early 90s. Nevertheless, movement of refugees from neighboring Burma never was end. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

An elderly woman is washing clothes in one of the two unregistered refugee camps Cox’s Bazar district in Bangladesh. Living conditions of the unregistered Rohingya camps in Bangladesh are extremely poor as there’s no food ration but limited basic medical supplies by a few NGOs, to whom Bangladesh authority has told ‘stop the aid operation’ in 2012. Out of the hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, only 30,000 had been recognized early 90s. Nevertheless, movement of refugees from neighboring Burma never was end. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya children living in one of the two unregistered refugees camp in Cox’s Bazar district, Bangladesh. Living conditions of the unregistered Rohingya camps in Bangladesh are extremely poor as there’s no food ration but limited basic medical supplies by a few NGOs to whom Bangladesh authority has told ‘stop the aid operation’. Out of the hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, only 30,000 had been recognized early 90s. Nevertheless, movement of refugees from neighboring Burma never was end. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Rohingya children living in one of the two unregistered refugees camp in Cox’s Bazar district, Bangladesh. Living conditions of the unregistered Rohingya camps in Bangladesh are extremely poor as there’s no food ration but limited basic medical supplies by a few NGOs to whom Bangladesh authority has told ‘stop the aid operation’. Out of the hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh, only 30,000 had been recognized early 90s. Nevertheless, movement of refugees from neighboring Burma never was end. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

An elderly Rohingya woman living in slum area of Cox's Bazar district, Bangladesh. There are Rohingya dwellers who came to Bangladesh in 1978 when 250,000 Rohingya refugees influxed from Burma due to military operation as well as those who arrived in 2012, when the sectarian violence has turn to be a massacre of Rohingya community. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

An elderly Rohingya woman living in slum area of Cox’s Bazar district, Bangladesh. There are Rohingya dwellers who came to Bangladesh in 1978 when 250,000 Rohingya refugees influxed from Burma due to military operation as well as those who arrived in 2012, when the sectarian violence has turn to be a massacre of Rohingya community in that slum. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya children living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Rohingya children living in slum area in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. Since 1970s hundreds of thousands Rohingya refugees have influxed into neighboring Bangladesh. Most of them have become unregistered refugees who have been living either unregistered camp or slums. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

A Rohingya woman who witnessed and survived the 'Du-Chee-Yar-Dan' massacre that took place Maungdaw, Arakan state in June 2014. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

A Rohingya woman who witnessed and survived the ‘Du-Chee-Yar-Dan’ massacre that took place Maungdaw, Arakan state in June 2014. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Josim (35), Rohingya refugee now living in Malaysia. He has first fled Arakan state, western Burma to Bangladesh where he has dwelled as a daily labor for a decade before getting on the smuggling boat. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Josim (35), Rohingya refugee now living in Malaysia. He has first fled Arakan state, western Burma to Bangladesh where he became dwellers various locations as a daily labor for a decade before getting on the smuggling boat. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Islam, Rohingya refugee now living Malaysia. He has lost his father during the violence in 2012 and all family members ever since have been living in IDPs camp outskirt of Sittwe. Early in 2014 he has got on the boat in which he has seen some 600 refugees. During the perilous journey, another boat which had embarked together with Islam’s boat was sunken. “460 people on the sunken boat drowned in front of our full eyes” he said. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Islam, Rohingya refugee now living Malaysia. He has lost his father during the violence in 2012 and all family members ever since have been living in IDPs camp outskirt of Sittwe. Early in 2014 he has got on the boat in which he has seen some 600 refugees. During the perilous journey, another boat which had embarked together with Islam’s boat was sunken. “460 people on the sunken boat drowned in front of our full eyes” he said. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Forkana Mohammad (28) has left Burma right after the first wave of violence which happened in June 2012 and now living in Malaysia since July 2013. In a smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand, to where most of boat people were brought before being smuggled into Malaysia or trafficked to various locations, he said he’s seen two Rohingyas who were staying for 4 years as semi-slavery as they could not afford payment to smugglers. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Forkana Mohammad (28) has left Burma right after the first wave of violence which happened in June 2012 and now living in Malaysia since July 2013. In a smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand, to where most of boat people were brought before being smuggled into Malaysia or trafficked to various locations, he’s seen two Rohingyas who were staying for 4 years as semi-slavery as they could not afford payment to smugglers. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day in relief center run by Rohingya Society in Malaysia (or RSM) (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day in relief center run by Rohingya Society in Malaysia (or RSM) (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Kabaidulla (17) has left Burma in November 2013. He has been released from smugglers’ jungle camp in Feb 2014 and lived in Malaysia for two months. Yet he still has had difficulties to walk and his body yet to be recovered from paralysis. Most of boat people are forced to bend their body by smugglers while boat journey and detention in the jungle camp. He and some of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Kabaidulla (17) has left Arakan state in November 2013. He has been released from smugglers’ jungle camp in Feb 2014 and lived in Malaysia for two months. Yet he still has had difficulties to walk properly and his body yet to be recovered from paralysis. Most of boat people are forced to bend their body by smugglers threat while boat journey and detention in the jungle camp. He and some of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day in relief center run by Rohingya Society in Malaysia (or RSM). (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Mohammad Salim (20) has left Arakan state after the first wave of violence in June 2012. Then the Burmese security forces, notably now disbanded-NASAKA, have arranged the boat for Rohingya telling them “please leave. But never come back”. While he was staying in smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand, Thai police raided the area to take all boat refugees to the nearby police station. According to Salim, he and many others signed on the paper as police asked in the station, where weeping Thai villagers provided them with food and clothes showing something like ‘warm farewell’. Salim initially thought they were going to be deported to Malaysia, but were handed over to another trafficking ring, this time composed of all “Siam” (Thai) instead. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Mohammad Salim (20) has left Arakan state after the first wave of violence in June 2012. Then the Burmese security forces, notably now disbanded-NASAKA, have arranged the boat for Rohingya telling them “please leave. But never come back”. While he was staying in smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand, Thai police raided the area to take all refugees to the nearby police station. According to Salim, he and many others signed on the paper as police asked in the station, where weeping Thai villagers provided them with food and clothes showing something like ‘warm farewell’. Salim initially thought they were going to be deported to Malaysia, but instead were handed over to another trafficking ring, this time composed of “all Siam” (Thai). (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

Mohammad Rafique (18) has been living in Malaysia for 6 months after two months of captivity in smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand. Yet he still has had difficulties to walk and his body yet to be recovered from paralysis. Most of boat people are forced to bend their body by smugglers while boat journey and detention in the jungle camp. He and some of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day. (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung)

Mohammad Rafique (18) has been living in Malaysia for 6 months after two months of captivity in smugglers’ jungle camp in Southern Thailand. Yet he still has had difficulties to walk and his body yet to be recovered from paralysis. Most of boat people are forced to bend their body by smugglers while boat journey and detention in the jungle camp. He and some of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia have been doing exercise twice a day in relief center run by Rohingya Society in Malaysia (or RSM). (Photo © Lee Yu Kyung 2014)

 

** 포토에세이 한국어 (in Korean) 로 보기 클릭

3 responses to “Burma’s Apartheid

  1. Pingback: 웰컴 투 ‘아파르트 헤이트’ | Another WORD is Possible·

  2. Pingback: Burma’s Apartheid | Dr Ko Ko Gyi's Blog·

  3. Pingback: 아웅산 수찌, 로힝자 그리고 버마 다이어스포라 | Another WORD is Possible·

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