타이에서는 환경운동하면 죽는다
[세계] ‘반석탄’ 운동하다 무참히 살해당한 국숫집 아저씨…
자본·마피아·관료의 카르텔 속에 16년 동안 타이 환경운동가 27명 살해당해
환경운동가 통낙 사윀친다 (47) 암살 배후 혐의를 받고 있는 석탄운송업자 가택 수색을 위해 경찰이 도로를 차단하고 있다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
7월 28일 오전 9시께였다. 타이 중부 사뭇 사콘(Samut Sakorn) 지방, 타 사이 (Tha Sai) 탐본 (‘서브 디스트릭트’, ‘마을’ 바로 윗 단위이자 지방 정부의 가장 작은 행정단위) 길은 인근 공장으로 출근하는 발걸음들이 총총히 사라진 뒤였다. 그 길로 들어선 오토바이 한 대, 뒷 사내는 길목 한 켠 국수집 앞으로 가 아침 신문을 읽던 주인 통낙 사윀친다 (47)에게 40구경 반자동 권총을 난사했다. 어깨, 등, 가슴, 허벅지 등 전신 여덟 군데에 총상을 입은 통낙은 병원에 도착하자 마자 숨졌다.
“누구에게 싫은 소리 한 마디 못하는 순박한 사람이었는데…”
자녀가 없어 세상에 홀로 남겨진 아내 좀크완 사윀친다(46) 가 버겁게 입을 열었다.
살해당한 환경운동가 통낙 사윀친다 (47) 의 혼을 달래는 불교의식에 참여중인 아내 좀크완 사윀친다 (46). (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
사건 직후 타이 언론은 ‘저명한 환경운동가 살해 사건’을 보도하기 시작했다. 동네 아이들이 좋아했다는 ‘순박한’ 국수집 아저씨 통낙은 어찌하여 ‘저명한’ 환경운동가가 되어 살해의 운명을 맞이한 걸까.
국수집 아저씨에서 환경운동가로
8월 3일 이른 아침 방콕 서남 지역과 경계를 나눈 사뭇 사콘 지방에 들어섰다. 아침 출근길의 상큼함은 커녕 목은 칼칼해지고 콧 구멍이 답답해왔다. 만만치 않은 오염 도시 방콕을 능가했다.
다운타운을 가로질러 통낙의 동네로 향하는 길, “우리는 석탄을 원치 않는다”는 플랑카드가 스쳤다. 이어 ‘그린 파워 플러스’, ‘아시아그린 에너지’ 등, ‘그린’ 으로 치장한 각종 석탄 공장 간판들도 휑하니 지나갔다. 타이 내 최대 석탄 공급업체인 아시아 그린 에너지는 이 지역에 새 공장을 세우던 중에 시위를 만나 잠시 멈췄다. 동네 사람들은 이 회사 대표가 민주당 아무개 의원의 ‘경제 자문’ 이라며 “믿는 구석이 있어 투자하는 거”라 투덜댔다.
이 지역 노동단체 ‘노동권 신장 네트워크 재단 (Labor Rights Promotion Network Foundation, LPN)’ 에 따르면 사뭇 사콘에는 3천여개의 미등록 공장을 포함, 대략 7천여개 크고작은 공장이 돌아가고 있다. 절대 다수가 해산물 가공 공장이고, 수십 개의 석탄 공장이 있다. 문제는 쉴새 없이 돌아가는 타이 전역 공단내 연료로 각광받는 게 ‘가장 더러운 에너지’라 불리는 석탄이라는 점다. 바로 그 석탄이 국수집 주인을 환경운동가로 바꾸어 놓은 ‘주범’이기도 하다.
사뭇 사콘의 경우를 보자. 인도네시아, 중국 등지에서 수입하는 것으로 알려진 석탄은 타 친 (Tha Chin)강 항구에 도착한 후 수십개의 공장으로 옮겨져 저장고에 쌓이고, 재분배 과정을 거쳐 여러 공장들로 이송된다. 이 지방은 석탄이송 길목이자 소비 지방이다.
“밭이 다 누래졌다. 코코넛 농사도 다 망했다. 폐도 안 좋고, 가려움증에…”
타사이 마을 주민 깃스나 파완 (60)의 말처럼 석탄 공장이 인근 밭들은 누리끼리 했다.
사뭇 사콘에 석탄 공장이 들어서기 시작한 건 2006년. 아랫동네 사뭇 송크람 지방 주민들의 반대를 만나 공장이 이곳으로 옮겨온 온 그 순간부터 주민들의 시위는 시작되었다. 그 5년간의 투쟁이 귀 막은 당국과 언론의 눈을 피해갔을 뿐이다.
그러다 7월 13일 통낙을 선두로 한 천 여명의 주민들이 ‘라마 2’ 고속도로를 막는 대 소동 시위를 벌인 후에야 언론이 주목했고, 28일 통낙의 죽음은 언론의 관심에 더더욱 불을 댕겼다.
“이런 캠페인의 경우 업체들이 주민들 일부를 매수하여 분열시키는 경우가 많다. 이 지역에서는 그런 분열이 전혀 없었다.”
휴먼라이츠워치 타이 리서쳐인 수나이 파숙 (42)은 대신 시민사회가 옐로우와 레드로 분열된 탓에 이지역 투쟁에 대한 단일한 지지와 연대가 없다며 안타까워했다.
석탄 관련 업체들이 들어선 지 5년, 심각한 환경 오염으로 과일, 채소밭들이 누렇게 변하고 있다. 오른쪽은 이 지역 제지업체가 사들여 폐휴지 처리장으로 활용하고 있는 곳, 이전에 과일농사를 짓던 곳이다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
13일의 시위는 결국 ‘석탄 운송 중단’ 이라는 주지사 명령을 끌어냈다. 그때부터 주민들은 주지사의 명령을 위반하는 트럭을 모니터하기 시작했다. 22일, 통낙은 석탄을 운송하던 한 트럭을 막아선 적이 있다. 통낙 암살의 핵심 배후로 지목된 이가 운영하는 운송 회사, ‘테크닉 팀’ (Technique Team) 트럭이다. 회사 대표는 통낙을 위협하고, 거친 말들을 뱉어 온 인물이기도 하다.
“아니 그래, 당신 국수에 석탄 알갱이가 빠지기라도 했는가? 그렇게 설쳐대다가 당하는 수가 있어. 조심하라구!.”
석탄 알갱이가 통낙의 국수에 빠졌는지야 확인키 어렵지만, 석탄 운송 선박들이 뿜어내는 가루와 석탄 연료 공장들이 내뿜는 ‘석탄 물’은 이 지방 젖줄 타 친 강을 죽음의 강으로 만들고 있다.
“우리가 모니터한 자료와 위반 증거 사진 등을 29일 주지사에게 보낼 참이었는데, 그 전날 통낙이 살해당했다”
여러해 동안 함께 캠페인을 이끌어왔던 캄폴 통치우 (51) 자신도 통낙이 죽기 이틀 전인 26일 밤 10시께, 석탄 운반 차량을 모니터 하던 중 미행 당했다고 말한다. 다행히 그는 작은 길로 차를 돌려가며 위기를 모면했다. 그리고 29일, 통낙 암살 다음 날 중앙행정법원은 타 사이 탐본 지역을 통과하는 석탄 운송 중단을 명했다.
사뭇 사콘 지방을 흐르는 ‘타 친’ 강은 예로부터 중국과의 무역 항으로 유명했다. 중국, 인도네시아 등지로 부터 들여오는 석탄 산업이 활발해지면서 석탄 운송석박들이 야기하는 ‘석탄물’ 오염이 심각한 것으로 알려졌다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
개발이익과 주민 인권 충돌
지난 16년간 타이 사회에서 27명 환경 운동가가 살해되었다. 2007년에는 승려 프라수폿 수와요가 북부 치앙마이에서, 2004년 환경운동가 짜른 왓 악슨이 중부 프라추압에서, 2001년에는 솜폰 차나폴이 남부 수랏타니에서 살해당했다. 통낙은 27번에 이름을 올렸다. 희생자들은 대부분 ‘석탄’ 아니면 ‘불법 벌채’에 맞서던 지역 운동가들이었다.
환경 갈등이 두드러진 곳이 주로 지방이라는 점, 그들이 대항하는 업체들이 그리 어렵지 않게 닿을 수 있는 청부살해 네트워크가 타이 사회에 적잖다는 점, 여기에 뒤를 봐주는 경찰과 공무원 변수까지 가세하며 지역 환경운동가들은 보다 많은 희생을 감내해 온 셈이다.
아일랜드 더블린에 본부를 두고 전 세계 인권운동가들이 직면한 위험상황을 모니터해 온 인권단체 프런트 라인 (Frontline)의 미디어 & 커뮤니케이션 부장 짐 라프란도 이 점을 우려했다. 그는 <한겨레21>과의 스카이페 인터뷰에서 “상대적으로 안전한 방콕과 달리 지방 활동가들은 보다 높은 위협에 노출되어 있다”고 말문을 연 뒤 다음과 같이 이어갔다.
“경제 개발을 내건 업체들의 이익과 주민들의 인권, 토지권이 세계 곳곳에서 충돌하고 있다. 소수 권력자들의 부를 위해 주민 인권을 희생시키는 정책이란 있어서는 안된다”
짐 라프란은 무엇보다도 철저한 수사를 통해 암살범 뿐 아니라 배후세력을 분명하게 처벌하여, 운동가들을 겨냥한 청부 살해의 악순환을 끊어야 한다고 강조했다. 그러나 전현직 군인들, 마피아들이 복합적으로 연루된 이 네트워크를 건드리는 건 여간 까다로운 일이 아니다.
이번 사건의 경우 총잡이 요틴 테프리안(25)가 자수하고 7명의 혐의자가 체포되는 등 일단 초등 수사에 속도가 붙는 듯하다. 그러나 당국의 강력한 의지때문이라기 보다는 CCTV 덕분이라고 주민들은 싱겁게 받아들였다. 살해범이 타고 온 오토바이가 주차한 곳은 하필이면 (탁신의 친빈민 정책 중 하나였던) ‘빌리지 펀드 스킴’ (Village Fund Scheme) 사무실 근처 CCTV가 있는 곳이었다. 수사를 담당하고 있는 사뭇사콘 경찰 서장 차이찬 푸라타나농 (41) 역시 이 부분을 부인하지 않았다. 아울러 차이찬 서장은 핵심 공모자 3인 중에 사뭇사콘 지방 내 ‘푸야이 반’ (‘마을 이장’ 격) 한 명이 포함되어 있다고 귀띔해 주었다.
통낙 사윀친다 (47) 살해 핵심 배후자 혐의를 받고 있는 석탄운송업체 대표 아무개씨(53). 경찰에 자진 출두하여 조사 받은 뒤 그의 집을 수색하려는 경찰팀과 움직이고 있다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“시스템의 실패다. 경찰, 군부, 지방 정부 등 관련 기관들의 총체적인 개혁은 이런 사건이 벌어질 때마다 절실히 요구되어 왔던 바다. 이번 사건을 수많은 범죄 사건 중 하나로 단순취급해선 안된다”
인권운동가 수나이 파숙은 총제적 개혁을 다시한 번 강조했다.
통낙 캠페인에 법률지원을 해왔던 단체, ‘지구온난화 반대’의 스리스완 잔야 변호사는 타이의 수많은 환경관련 법안들만 제대로 준수해도 많은 부분을 해결할 수 있다고 말한다.
“관련 법안들은 주민들의 알권리를 보장하고 공청회를 거치도록 명하고 있다. 토지 사용과 운송의 경우 통과 지역 환경과 공동체에 영향을 주지 않아야 함도 명시하고 있다. 뇌물에 약한 관련 부처들이 이런 조항들을 무시하고 있다”
2007년 군사 정권이 기안한 현행 헌법 역시 환경이나 건강에 심각한 영향을 주는 프로젝트는 승인전에 자세한 검토가 필요하다고 명시하지만 구체적 가이드 라인은 부재다.
이런 허점구조와 공무원 부패수준을 모를리 없는 업체들은 얄팍한 해결책에 기대고 있는 듯하다. 일례로, 아시아 그린 에너지는 8일 3일 보도자료를 통해,
“(29일) 중앙행정법원의 일시 중지 명령은 우리 회사에 적용된 것이 아니” 라고 운을 뗐다. 이어 “우리 회사는 페차부리, 촌부리, 아유타야 지방에 이미 석탄 저장고와 공장이 있음으로 여느 때와 다름없이 고객서비스를 할 수 있다” 고 밝혔다. 그러나 8월 10일, 이번에는 아유타야 지방에서 주민들의 반대 시위가 동을 텄다.
석탄, 가장 더러운 에너지
1992년 북부 람팡 지방 ‘매모(Mae Moh)’ 마을에 들어선 석탄화력발전소 반대 투쟁을 비롯, 타이 지방 주민들의 ‘대 석탄’ 투쟁은 사실 수 십년간 계속되어 왔다. 유황가스 불법 방출로 이후 10년간 약 120명의 주민 목숨을 앗아간 메모 발전소는 지금도 돌아가지만, 1995년 이래 7년 가까이 싸웠던 프로추압 지방 보녹 마을의 투쟁은 공장을 멈추게도 했다. 그러나 이 운동을 이끌던 자른 악 왓슨이 살해당하는 댓가를 치뤄야했다.
통낙의 집앞에는 ‘석탄을 원치 않는다’ 딱지가 붙어있다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
나사(NASA)의 지구 과학자 제임스 한센은 “문명과 지구 생물체에 단독으로 가장 위험한 물질” 로 석탄을 뽑았다. 그는 석탄 연료 공장을 ‘죽음의 공장’이라 표현한다. 2008년 “석탄 = 기후변화” 라는 구호를 걸고 타이 투어 캠페인을 벌인 바 있는 그린 피스는 석탄을 “가장 더러운 에너지”라 정의한다. 하여, 통낙과 수십명의 환경운동가들 그리고 수백명의 주민 목숨을 앗아간 ‘삽질’과 ‘검은 연기’가 더러운 에너지를 피워대는 한, 죽음의 공장에 대항한 주민 공동체의 투쟁은 멈추지 않을 것으로 보인다.
사뭇사콘(타이)= 글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
* 위 기사는 <한겨레21> [2011.09.05 제876호] 게재된 기사의 긴 버전입니다. (한겨레21 기사 원문 보러 가기)
* 위 기사 관련 참고 자료들 :
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/multimedia/videos/video-archive/discover-the-plight-of-local-t/
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/multimedia/photos/greenpeace-launches-a-stop-glo/
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/decision-on-thai-coal-plants/
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/press/releases/accept-or-reject-on-polluting/
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/multimedia/photos/Thai-Coal-Plant-Protest/
http://www.greenpeace.org/international/en/news/features/thailand-coal-rainbow-warrior280708/
http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2009/feb/15/james-hansen-power-plants-coal
http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/07/30/thailand-investigate-murder-environmentalist
기타 등등…
“휴가비요? 세상에나!”
[표지이야기2] 송끄란 등 연간 20일 공휴일에 대체휴가도 있는 타이…
휴가비는 못 받아도 휴가 기간이 늘어서 해외에 가고 싶은 나니
» 나니가 최근 다녀온 타이의 사판부리 사남슛 시장 입구에서 찍은 사진.(사진 제공 : 나니 린 / Photo by Nani Lin)
전자부품을 생산하는 대만 회사의 타이지사에서 5년째 근무 중인 나니 린(28). 약 2만1천밧(약 75만원)을 월급으로 받고 틈틈히 타이-중국어 번역을 해 부수입도 짭짤한 나니는 타이 ‘중상층’이다. 1년에 3~7번은 당일치기든 2~3일간의 단기든 여행을 다녀와야 직성이 풀리는 휴가족이다.
타이는 우기·건기 외에는 계절 변화가 적어 한국처럼 딱히 여름휴가철이랄 게 없다. 남부 해변가나 북부 산악지대 등 갈 곳이 많아 국내 여행으로도 충분히 즐겁다. 하지만 일부 부유층이나 중산층 싱글 중심으로 중국·한국·일본 등으로 해외여행을 가는 사람이 늘어나고 있다. 다만 물가가 비싼 유럽 여행은 그리 흔치 않다.
연말, 송끄란 연휴는 7~10일
여름휴가 시즌은 없지만 쉴 수 있는 날은 많다. 따져보자. 어머니날(왕비 생일), 아버지날(국왕 생일) 등 타이에선 각종 왕실과 불교와 관련한 1일 공휴일만 1년에 20일이 넘는다. 공휴일이 주말과 겹치면 되려 좋다. 금요일이나 월요일로 대체해 휴일을 잃기는커녕 연휴의 즐거움을 만끽할 수 있기 때문이다. 여기에 연말 연휴 3일, 타이 최대의 전통 행사인 타이력 정월 초하루(4월13일) 송끄란 연휴도 3일이다. 두 연휴 모두 직장별로 차이는 있으나 사실상 7~10일 쉬는 경우가 많다.
나니는 공휴일 외에 8일간의 정기 휴가가 있고, 병가와 각종 개인 잡무를 위해 쓸 수 있는 비번 휴가가 1년에 30일 이내에서 가능하다. 이렇게 휴일은 많은데, 현 휴가 기간이 만족스럽진 않단다. “3일 이상 회사를 비우면 업무에 지장이 커요. 제 빈자리는 부서 매니저가 대신 채워주는데 3일 이상은 어렵거든요. 누구도 정기 휴가 8일을 한꺼번에 쓸 엄두를 못 내죠.”
길게 쓰지 못하는 정기 휴가는 송끄란과 연말 연휴에 붙여 7일로 만들어 쓰는 게 흔하다. 연말과 송끄란 연휴 두 기간에 타이 전역이 쉬기에 회사 일에 큰 지장이 없기 때문이다. 당일치기 여행이나 2~3일간의 단기 여행으로 휴가를 대신하는 건 흔한 일이다. 나니도 지난 7월9일, 친구네 가족 등 12명과 함께 방콕에서 멀지 않은 사판부리로 당일 여행을 다녀왔다. 봉고 한 대를 빌렸고, 친구 어머니가 점심을 준비해오셨다.
100년의 역사를 자랑하는 사남슛 시장과 사원, 공원 등을 둘러본 그 여행에서 나니는 1천밧(약 3만5천원) 조금 넘게 썼다. 지난 1월에는 세라믹으로 유명한 콕퀘 섬도 다녀왔다. 연말에는 4일간의 연휴를 만들어 말레이시아를 다녀올 계획에 무척 설렌다. 나니에게도 달콤한 장기 휴가의 기억이 있긴 하다. 2008년 말 ‘달력 운’이 좋아 9일간 연휴가 가능했기에 타이 동부에 있는 섬 꼬창에서 7일 휴가를 보냈다. “마침 회사 상황이 좋지 않아 주문도 안 들어오던 때라 가능했다”며 웃는다.
너는 앞에, 나는 뒤에 붙이고
모두들 장기 휴가로 쓰고 싶어하는 송끄란, 혹은 연말 연휴 때 휴가 일정을 정하느라 갈등은 없느냐고 물었다. “내가 송끄란 연휴 앞에 며칠 더 붙여 쓰면, 다른 사람은 뒤에 붙이면 되는 거고. 전혀 문제된 적도 될 것도 없어요.” 나니도 정기 휴가 일부를 송끄란 연휴에 붙여 엄마와 남동생이 사는 대만에 다녀오는 데 활용하고 있다. “휴가비요? 세상에나, 그런 게 있다면 얼마나 좋겠어요!” 하지만 나니는 휴가비보다는 휴가 기간이 늘어나길 더 원한다. 연휴가 길지만 엄마를 만나러 대만으로 가는 송끄란 연휴를 빼고 7일 이상의 장기 휴가가 가능하면 여유 있는 해외여행을 꼭 해보고 싶단다.
방콕(타이)=이유경 통신원
# 방콕 1년 평균 노동시간 #
2543시간(2003년·국제노동기구(ILO))
<한겨레> [2011.08.01 제871호] 게재. 기사 원문 보러 가기
“탁신 사면, 서두르지 않겠다”
타이 첫 여성총리 잉락
한겨레 등 외신 인터뷰
“지지층 레드셔츠 입각가능…
작년 유혈진압 군부 처벌
진상규명이 우선이다”
지난 3일 치러진 총선에서 압승을 거두며 타이 첫 여성 총리로 예정된 잉락 친나왓(44)의 행보는 지금 전세계의 주목 대상이다. 오빠 탁신 전 총리의 사면이나 지난해 탁신 지지층인 레드셔츠의 방콕 도심 시위를 유혈진압한 책임자 처벌 문제 등 새 정부가 결정할 사안에 따라 타이의 정국 향방은 크게 달라질 터다. 레드셔츠와 반탁신 세력인 옐로셔츠가 상징하듯, 양극화가 극심해진 타이에서 깊어진 계층갈등을 어떻게 풀지도 관심이다.
잉락이 8일 방콕 프어타이당사에서 주요 외신매체 30여곳과 한 인터뷰에 <한겨레>는 한국 언론 가운데 유일하게 참여했다. 그는 이 자리에서 오빠 탁신의 사면이나 레드셔츠 유혈진압 군인들의 처벌 등을 서두르지 않고 경제 문제에 우선 집중하겠다는 뜻을 밝혔다. 논란중인 ‘왕실모독법’은 개정하지 않겠지만, 악용되지도 않아야 한다는 생각을 나타냈다. 정치 입문 두달밖에 안 된 신인이라곤 믿기지 않을 만큼, 사전 질의서 없는 기자회견에도 그는 여유있게 답했다.
잉락 시나와트라. 타이 차기 여성 총리가 7월 8일 선별된 외신 30여곳과 인터뷰 중이다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
잉락은 도시빈민· 농민층이 주축이 된 레드셔츠의 지도부가 내각에 임명되느냐는 질문에 “내각 임명에 대해 말하기는 너무 이르다”면서도 “프어타이당 내외부 모두에게 장관직을 열어놓겠다”고 가능성을 열어뒀다. 그의 강력한 정치적 배경이 된 레드셔츠한테 “고맙다”는 인사도 잊지 않았다.
하지만 탁신의 사면·귀국과 군부 처벌을 두고서는 신중한 자세를 보였다. 그는 군부 처벌에 대해 “전임 민주당 정부가 임명한 카닛 나 나콘 박사가 이끄는 진실화해위원회의 조사 결과를 기다리겠다”며 “위원회의 독립성을 보장하고 간섭하지 않겠다”고 선을 그었다. 책임이 있는 것으로 드러난 군인들에게 면죄부를 줄 것이냐는 질문에는 “섣부르게 사면을 하진 않을 것”이라며 “진상 규명이 우선”이라고 답했다.
탁신의 사면에 대해서는 “그(탁신)는 나에게 자신보다는 국가와 사회 현안에 더 신경쓰라고 조언했다”며 처리를 서두르지 않겠다는 뜻을 밝혔다. ‘탁신의 아바타’일 뿐이라는 논란에는 “내가 탁신의 누이임은 사실이고 그의 좋은 아이디어를 긍정적으로 이용하고 싶다”면서도 “모든 결정은 우리가 독립적으로 국가를 위해 할 것”이라고 반박했다.
잉락은 옐로셔츠 등이 시위를 벌이겠다고 밝힌 것과 관련해선 “법을 위반하는 사람은 법에 따라 처리될 것”이라고 당차게 대답했다. 일부에서 우려하는 군의 쿠데타에 대해서는 “지금 그런 일이 일어날 것이라 생각하지 않는다”며 “군은 국민의 선택을 믿고 존중해야 한다”고 강조했다.
“옐로셔츠 시위 벌일 땐 법에 따라 처리”
잉락은 최저임금 인상 공약 등 포퓰리즘 논란을 두고선 “산업계 전반에 미칠 영향을 충분히 고려해 상의하겠다”고 말했다. 그는 전날 미국 <월스트리트 저널> 등과의 인터뷰에서 임금 인상은 인플레이션을 일으킬 수 있다는 것을 인정하면서도 “소비를 촉진해 경제성장이 빨라지는 효과도 있다”고 응답했다.
그의 포퓰리즘적 공약이 선거에서 먹혔다는 일부 시각과 달리, 타이 내 전문가들은 잉락 압승의 배경에 7%대의 높은 경제성장률에도 한계상황에 몰리고 있는 도시빈민층 및 농민층의 생활과 지난해 시위 유혈진압과 관련해 민주당에 책임을 물어야 한다는 의식이 있었다고 보고 있다.
물론 그가 앞으로 넘어야 할 산은 만만치 않다. 외신들은 레드셔츠를 중심으로 “탁신 귀국과 군부 처벌이 무엇보다 선결돼야 한다”는 목소리가 나오고 있다고 전했다. 선거에 패배한 민주당은 8일 선거관리위원회에 프어타이당이 불법 선거운동을 했다고 청원을 넣으며 프어타이당 해산 시도에 나섰다고 <아에프페>(AFP) 통신이 보도했다.
방콕/글·사진 이유경 통신원, 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
<한겨레> 7월 9일자 게재. 기사 원문 보러 가기
타이, 심판의 날 이후
[세계] 레드셔츠 유혈 진압과 탁신 귀국에 대한 국민투표였던 총선… 군부와 기득권층이 선거 결과 또 무시하면 극단적 충돌 뻔해
“2006년 쿠데타 이후 기득권층이 벌인 행태에 대해 절반 이상의 유권자들이 대굴욕을 선사한 것이다.”
7월3일 밤, 총선에서 야당인 푸에아타이당이 압도적으로 승리한 윤곽이 드러나자 티티난 퐁수디락 쭐랄롱꼰대 교수는 촌평의 대가다운 논평을 날렸다. 그는 “이건 기득권층이 거부하지 못할 ‘뉴타일랜드’ 다”라고 덧붙였다.
7월 3일 방콕의 한 투표소. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
투표하러 고향까지 간 사람들
친탁신 성향의 레드셔츠 내 좌파 진영의 짜이 웅파곤 전 쭐랄롱꼰대 교수는 좀더 급진적인 주문을 내놨다. “왕실모독법 위반으로 수감된 이들을 포함한 모든 정치범을 석방하고 유혈 사태의 책임자인 아누뽕 빠오찐다 당시 군 총사령관과 아피싯 웨차치와 민주당 총재 및 수텝 통수반 사무총장 등을 처벌하라. 쁘라윳 찬오차 현 군 총사령관도 해고하라.”
총 500석 중 262석을 얻은 푸에아타이당(민주당은 160석)은 쿠데타와 왕정주의자들의 반복된 개입과 당 해산에도 총선 4연승을 이룬 친탁신계 정당의 건재함을 보여줬다. 격전지라 관심이 높았던 방콕의 경우 33개 선거구 중 23석이 민주당에 돌아갔지만 좁은 표차를 만들어내며 10석을 얻은 푸에아타이당의 선전은 간과할 수 없는 결과다. 주류 언론은 이번 선거를 탁신 친나왓 전 총리와 그의 여동생 잉락 친나왓을 중심으로 풀어갔지만, 푸에아타이당에 대거 투표한 농민과 빈곤층의 깨어난 정치의식은 간과해선 안 될 부분이다. 타이 고유의 전통 설날인 4월 송끄란 기간이 아니면 볼 수 없던 인구 대이동 현상이 이번 선거 기간에 나타난 것이 대표적이다. 버스 부족으로 선거 당일 오전 수천 명의 발이 묶이기도 했고, 기차 고장으로 귀향하지 못한 유권자들의 눈물이 현지 방송을 탔다.
“오늘은 심판의 날이다. 군부의 정치 개입을 다시는 허용치 않겠다는 내 의사를 담아 1번을 찍었다. 탁신의 복귀는 별개 문제다.”
선적회사 대표인 아룬 키엥통(50)의 말처럼, 이번 총선은 두 가지 차원에서 국민투표적 성격이 강했다. 하나는 레드셔츠가 주장하듯 2006년 쿠데타와 지난해 레드셔츠의 반정부 시위 과정에서 벌어진 유혈 진압에 대한 국민투표였고, 또 하나는 민주당과 반탁신계가 주장하듯 탁신 복귀에 대한 국민투표였다. 선거 결과로만 보면 과반의 유권자들은 탁신 복귀를 환영하거나 그다지 개의치 않는 것으로 풀이할 수 있다. 혹은 탁신의 부패보다는 군부와 기득권층의 정치 개입과 91명이 숨진 유혈 진압의 책임을 더 묻고 싶어하는 셈이다.
잉락 시나와트라. 탁신의 여동생이자 이번 선거에서 압승을 거둔 푸어타이당의 비례대표 1번 후보인 그녀는 타이 역사상 최초의 여성총리가 될 예정이다 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“푸에아타이당을 전적으로 신뢰하는 건 아니지만 민주당보다는 낫다고 생각한다. 군부도 타이 사회의 일원으로서 민주적 선거 결과를 존중하길 바란다.” ‘탁신이 가급적 귀국하지 않았으면 좋겠다’는 주부 수다랏(55)의 말도 푸에아타이당이 얻은 반사이익을 반영하고 있다.
잉락 시나와트라 차이 여성총리가 푸어타이 당의 압승이라는 선거 결과 윤곽이 드러난 7월 3일 저녁께 수백개의 국내외 언론들 앞에서 기자회견을 하고 있다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
푸에아타이당도 이 부분을 잘 인식하고 있다. 당 부총재인 카나왓 와신숭원(49)은 <한겨레21>과의 인터뷰에서 “막판까지 결정을 못한 시민 중 일부가 지난해 레드셔츠 유혈 진압에 대한 분노로 우리 당을 찍은 것을 잘 알고 있다”고 말했다. 그는 이어 “방콕은 타이 전역 77개 지방 중 하나일 뿐이며 방콕 유권자들의 목소리가 더 크다고 생각지 않는다. 방콕이나 지방이나 똑같이 취급받아야 한다”고 덧붙였다.
결국은 ‘반왕정주의’ 카드 꺼낼까
민주당은 탁신 정권의 친빈곤 정책을 베꼈다는 비난을 받고 있던 차에 반탁신 비방전에 집중해, 아피싯 총리의 사임으로 이어진 총선 패배라는 부메랑을 만났다.
2010년 유혈 사태의 핵심 지역인 랏차쁘라송에서 열린 민주당 집회에서 수텝 통수반 사무총장은 레드셔츠의 폭력성만 부각된 비디오를 대형 스크린으로 반복 재생하며 “이곳에서 누구도 죽지 않았다”거나 “군은 민간인을 죽이지 않았다”는 등 선동적 주장을 펼쳤다. 아피싯 총재는 마지막 선거유세장에서 “이번 선거는 이 나라에서 탁신이라는 독을 제거하기 위한 최고의 기회”라고 말했다.
그러나 유권자들의 분명한 의사표현에도 이번 선거가 지난 몇 년간 곪아온 타이 정치 분쟁을 종식시킬 것으로 보는 이는 그리 많지 않다. 텔레비전 채널 2개와 라디오 방송 수십 개를 소유하고 언론과 정치에 막강한 영향력을 행사해온 타이 군부의 향후 행보는 모든 이들의 관찰 대상이다. “만일 잉락이 타이 군부를 자유롭게 내버려둔다면 군부의 권력은 더 커질 것이고, (2006년 쿠데타 이후 50% 가까이 증가한) 예산도 더 요구할 것이다. 내 견해로는 이 가능성은 적다. 만일 잉락 정부가 군부를 향해 나름의 강력한 태도를 견지한다면 군부는 잉락 정부에 위협을 가할 것이다.” 타이 군부를 오랫동안 연구해온 치앙마이 파얍대학 폴 챔버 교수는 <한겨레21>과의 전자우편 인터뷰에서 군부의 향후 대응을 두 가지 가능성으로 분석했다. 폴 교수가 보는 가장 유력한 시나리오는 이렇다.
“군부는 반잉락 세력을 물심양면으로 지원하며 거리시위를 유도할 것이고, 그런 시위대의 공격으로부터 잉락 정부를 보호하지는 않을 것이다. 그렇게 되면 친탁신 레드셔츠가 거리로 나와 반탁신 옐로셔츠와 충돌할 가능성이 높다. 이때 군부는 잉락과 레드셔츠 운동을 ‘반왕정주의자’로 몰아가며 탄압을 정당화할 수 있다.”
7월3일 오후 푸에아타이당의 총선 압승이 확실해지자 당사로 모여든 지지자들이 환호하고 있다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
실상 돌발 변수가 되기 쉬운 극우 세력의 움직임은 이미 시작된 듯하다. 옐로셔츠의 다른 얼굴인 ‘국토보호 시민 볼런티어 네트워크’(일명 ‘멀티컬러셔츠’) 대표 툴시티솜월 박사는 탁신의 재산을 은닉한 혐의로 잉락의 수사를 요구하며 7월12일 ‘반부패위원회’ 앞에서 시위를 벌이겠다고 밝혔다. 이들은 또 테러리즘과 왕실모독법 고발 등에 걸려 수감 중인 레드셔츠 지도부이자 푸에아타이당 당선자인 자뚜폰 프롬판의 의원직을 박탈해야 한다고 주장한다. 탁신 사면에 대한 논의가 의회에서 진행된다면 의사당 앞에서 시위를 벌이겠다고 밝혔다.
“우리는 한 사람을 사면하겠다는 식의 정책은 없다. 진실과 화해위원회의 활동 결과에 따라 모든 이가 똑같이 대우받을 것”이라는 잉락의 반복된 답변에도 탁신의 복귀 가능성은 열려 있다. 그의 귀국은 두말할 것도 없이 군부와 왕정주의 진영의 강력한 저항을 유발할 것이다.
“다시 뒤집으면 다음은 내전이다”
모든 이들이 진심으로 두려워하는 푸미폰 아둔야뎃 국왕의 서거나 ‘프레아 비헤아르’ 사원을 낀 캄보디아와의 국경 분쟁도 향후 배제할 수 없는 위기 변수다. 이 경우에는 타이 군부가 그동안 국내외 비난을 의식해 접어두었던 쿠데타를 정당화할 만큼 강도 높은 ‘비상사태’ 가 펼쳐질 수도 있기 때문이다. “만일 기득권층이 다시 한번 민주적 절차에 개입해 유권자들의 선택을 뒤집어놓는다면 그다음은 내전이다. 레드셔츠와 푸에아타이당을 지지해온 이들은 지난 5년간 봐온 그런 개입을 더는 용납하지 않을 것이다.” 타이 영자 일간지인 <더네이션> 기자 쁘라윗 로자나프룩의 이 말은 타이 사회가 가장 두려워하는 미래다. 타이 사회는 지금 민주적 선거 결과를 수용하는 단순하고도 평화적인 해결책과 그들이 가장 두려워하는 미래 사이에서 불안하게 숨 쉬고 있다.
방콕(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
<한겨레21> [2011.07.18 제869호] 게재. 기사 원문 보러 가기
Reclaiming Democracy
- July 3rd Thai election –
Lee Yu Kyung in Bangkok and Ratchaburi
Being accompanied by dozens of entourage, surrounded by a number of supporters competing in giving her followers, Ms. Yingluck Shinawatra, the number one party list candidate of the opposition party Pueu Thai (“for Thais”), was traveling by Bangkok’s Metro (or MRT) early morning on July 17th. The MRT is said to be one of symbols of modernizing Thailand, partially addressing Bangkok’s hell-like traffic jam, launched under her brother Thaksin regime in 2004. The party has recently announced “31 policies”, in which a few points are related to public transport, indicating the party has taken transport issues seriously ‘at least in a period of campaign’.
Yingluck Shinawatra has overviewed the planned MRT (the capital's metro) lines at Thailand Cultural Center stations on her MRT campaign route. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Yingluck Shinawatra posed at camera with supporters during her campaigning in Bangkok. She is seen as a proxy of the former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, who was ousted by 2006 military coup. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“We will proceed the planned MRT lines as soon as we came to power“
said Thanas Watanapongsakul, who chairs a committee of Transport & Economic of the Party.
The campaign by traveling on MRT came a day after a local politician shot dead at broad daylight in tourists touted Khaosan area. The Election Commission has categorized Bangkok as one of the high risk of election-related violence.
Nevertheless Yingluck appeared with rather ‘invisible’ security, which contrasted her counter part Abhisit Vejajiva from Democrats, whose team are normally having security guards ‘in visible’.
If the opposition Pueu Thai would win the July 3rd election and form the government, Yingluch will be a first woman Prime Minister in Thailand, where male politicians are absolutely dominant.
The moment when Abhisit Vejajiva was declared to be Prime Minister on December 15th 2008. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
She is seen by many as a proxy of her brother Thaksin Shinawatra despite her claim of ‘independence’. Over a month or so campaigning path, however, she seems to be shown her own ability as like a matured politician. In a campaign trails, she poses well towards cameras with tireless smile.
“In my view she is a hard worker and fast learner” said Ms. Pinpaka Ngamsom, a senior journalist from the independent website Prachatai. “At first I was disappointed with her speech. But last time when I listen to her, I feel amazed because she has changed her performance and phonation a lot.” Pinpaka observed.
Nepotism doesn’t matter to people like Somsak (name changed, 63), a Red Shirts living in Australia. “We are not looking at whose sister she is. We are only looking for someone who would be able to serve the people’s need.”
It is all but hard-earning election, for which more or less 100 people – mostly Red Shirts – had been on bloodshed in the past two years for their single demand : Democratic Election.
“I will go to my hometown Karasin province to vote for no.1 (Pueu Thai party)” said the 53 year-old taxi driver Suvin Arunmat. “I should pay lots of money and losing my daily income because of this travel. But I definitely will” The driver looked truly excited.
“There is more than hope in (Red Shirts stronghold) North-East” said an activist Sarayut Tangprasert, who has lived in the region for more than a decade.
When asked if the Pueu Thai would compromise with establishment in the name of reconciliation without seeking facts and truths, he replied :
“That’s what I most fear.”
To the same question, Ms. Thida Thavornseth, a chairperson of UDD – the mainstream faction of Red Shirts – immediately answered, “We will fight”.
As a matter of facts most of Red Shirts leaders, including a wife of Arisman Pongruangrong who’s on the run, are on the Pueu Thai party list. Among them is an eloquent speaker Nattaut Saikua with number nine. At the stage in Ratchburi– central province – on June 17th, he introduced himself “Nattaut Prompan” in solidarity with the now jailed-leader Jatuporn Prompan who’s on number eight of the party list. Nattaut once said he believed the “product”, which is a unity of Pueu Thai Party, Thaksin and Red Shirts.
Nattaut Saituka, the eloquent Red Shirts leader is on stage of election campaign in Ratchaburi province. He is number eight of the Pueu Thai party list. The party has allied with Red Shirts, and listed most Red Shirts leaders on the party’s candidates.(Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Yingluck Shinawatra during the campaign in provinces. Even though she was new to politics, observers in general have said that she has well-performed for campaigning. She is a number one of the opposition Pueu Thai party list. The party has allied with Red Shirts, and listed most Red Shirts leaders on the party’s candidates. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
On the same stage Yingluck would appear in her turn, making short speech followed by ‘receiving followers’ time from a crowd. It seemed, she’s going to do over a night, unless her assistant mildly stop her to set her upright. It was a perfect campaign in ‘image politics’, whereby Thaksin’s populist legacy has been reincarnated. She and Pueu Thai have pledged to continue populist policies, adding some others such as a raise of minimum wage. Thus image politics on one hand, policy-based addressing on the other, Pueu Thai has been leading not only most of opinion polls, but also an effective campaign which has been penetrating into where ordinary people are.
Yingluck during the campaign in province, where endless flowers were given to her. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Yingluck during the campaign in province, where endless flowers were given to her. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“In the past, the poor had been dying out at the hospital’s floor due to hospital fee. Thaksin is the one who changed this picture totally. I’ve never seen such Prime Minister in my life” said Chirapar Batsapanurat (65), a pro-claimed middle class woman living the capital’s business district Silom area.
Yingluck Shinawatra during the campaign in provinces. Even though she was new to politics, observers in general have said that she has well-performed for campaigning. She is a number one candidate of the opposition Pueu Thai party list. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Yingluck Shinawatra during the campaign in provinces. Even though she was new to politics, observers in general have said that she has well-performed for campaigning. She is a number one of the opposition Pueu Thai party list. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Even in the Muslim populated South, where Thaksin’t heavy-handed policy has left a terrible legacy, Yingluck got welcomed by Muslim community.
“Surprisingly, Pueu Thai party is thought to be one of alternatives as Democrats hasn’t implemented what they pledged. Plus, people think big party could solve their problem better” said Noi Tamma, who has been a long time observer based in the restive South.
“Considering their populist policy, I predict Pueu Thai Party would perform better than the others for the Party lists” said Kan Yuenyong, a director of a Siam Intelligence Unit. “But for the constituencies candidates, it’s left to see” he cautions.
Yingluck during the campaign in Wong Wian Yai, outskirt of Bangkok (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Although every opinion poll has indicated Pueu Thai’s leading, there’s no guarantee for the winning party to form the government in Thailand, where the elected government has been overthrown by different types of coups.
Leading on Image and Policy
Come over to the Democrats’ camp, the party’s spokesperson Dr.Buranaj Samutrak commented on Yingluck’s campaign : “People want contents, not the image”. “That’s why we have gained strength from online more than Pueu Thai” he added. So true in terms of a ‘figure’ shown on line. Abhisit Vejajiva has 692,728 fans on his Facebook, whereas Yingluck has 162,622 her own as of 00:51 on July 1st.
A supporter of Democrat party hold a facebook banner. The party’s leader Abhisit Vejajiva has more number of fans than his counter part Yingluck Shinawatra on facebook. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
But jump to a ‘off-line world’, Abhisit’s campaign has been several times disturbed by protests on the street with exceptional occasions, among which was on 23rd at Ratchaprasong where Red Shirts were brutally crack downed. Instead of providing visions or policies for voters and supporters, the most of hours were allocated to terribly remind of what happened last year in Democrat’s view. In it, tends of thousands supporters were cheering, when the deputy leader Suthep Thaugsuban has claimed “No one was killed at Ratchaprasong”.
Supporters of Democrat party cheered at their Ratchaprasong rally on June 23rd. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Just an hour earlier Suthep said so, a 34 year-old woman who run a shop nearby told me, “I don’t think anyone was killed here”. And she kept saying she loved Abhisit so much. In his speech, Suthep tearfully declared “regret” the loss of lives, which was, according to him, caused by the protesters and men in black. This has enraged family members, whose loved ones were killed or injured.
Suthep at Ratchaprasong (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Abhisit Vejajiva at Ratchaprasong (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“Suthep was pretending crying. I believe he never know about what ‘real tear’ is” one of family members, who testified at the event of One year anniversary : missing justice at Tammasat University on 25th, pointed out. This one was echoed by another family member, who was saying “Why have you pretending crying, while you didn’t cry at all when you saw dead bodies last year?”
Democrat rally at Ratchprasong appeared to have provocations and slanders out of what happened during the April-May crackdown in 2010, rather than what election campaigning looks like. The party and Abhisit Vejajiva have not admitted at all government responsibility for 92 deaths last year. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Yet, it is a Democrat’s bid to woo supporters and the undecided particularly in Bangkok with a provocative slogan : “Do not let anyone burn our country again’
“Even before the election, the Red Shirts have threatened that there will be more chaos if Pueu Thai Party would not win. Then, what if they would win? They would feel more powerful to bring more chaos” The Democrat’s spokesperson Dr.Bunaraj Samutrak told me in an interview. It might be this context which made him frame out this election, at a panel discussion organized by Foreign Correspondent Club of Thailand on 28th , as ‘Majoritism’ versus ‘Rule of law’
Family members of victims, who were either killed or injured during the April-May crackdown last year has spoken out in a public forum. They want to know facts and truths,which they demand the next government take responsibility to find out. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Another desperate bid has come from Gen. Prayut chan-o-cha, the country’s powerful army chief. In a televised-statement in the mid of June, he warned “vote for good people” “to do so that our nation and the institution are safe…”
A renowned academic Dr.Thitinan Pongsudhirak has called this “unfortunate turn event” “a sign of desperation”, saying :
“Let the result speak. If the result overturned again, more problems will come”
* Note : The variety of this article in Korean was published by <HanKyoReh21> here and
in German published by <Neues Deutschland> here
붉은 열기로 가득한 타이 총선
[세계] 탁신의 여동생 잉락이 이끄는 푸에아타이당 지지 뜨거운 총선 현장… ‘푸에아타이-레드셔츠-탁신’ 3자 동맹 우세 속에 여전한 군부 변수
푸어타이 당 비례대표 1번 후보인 잉락 시나와트라가 같은 당 후보들과 함께 방콕 지하철 순회 선거운동을 하고 있다 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
6월17일 아침 8시께 타이 방콕 시내 타일랜드 문화센터 전철역. 부정부패 혐의로 해외 도피 중인 탁신 친나왓 전 총리의 여동생 잉락 친나왓(44)과 그가 이끄는 제1야당 푸에아타이당 후보 20여 명이 나타났다. 경호원이 있는지 없는지 몰려드는 시민들을 아무도 막지 않았다. 전날인 16일 낮에는 카오산에서 붐자타이당 운동원이 괴한의 총에 맞고 사망해 충격을 주었다. 방콕과 인근 지방은 7월3일 치러질 총선의 최대 격전지이자 보안 당국이 경고한 최고 위험 지역이기도 하다. 이에 아랑곳하지 않고, 군중 속에 묻혀 사진 찍기에 바쁜 잉룩의 캠페인은 삼엄한 경비병을 달고 다니는 집권 민주당의 아피싯 웨차치와 현 총리 팀과 대조를 보인다.
“탁신이 구상하고 당이 실천한다”
마침내 선거철이다. 총 40개 정당이 500개 의석(정당 투표 125개 포함)을 두고 각축전을 벌인다. 이 조기 총선을 치르려고 탁신 지지자인 도시 빈민층과 농민 출신의 ‘레드셔츠’(반독재민주전선·UDD) 약 10만 명이 거리로 나왔다가 유혈 진압을 당한 지 1년여 흘렀다. 그동안 지도부는 옥살이하거나 해외 도피 중이며, 레드셔츠는 급진화와 내분을 겪어왔다. 그러나 선거를 목전에 둔 요즘 레드셔츠의 다양한 정파들은 일단 푸에아타이당으로 몰려들 기세다. “기대가 크다. 오랫동안 기다려왔고, 유혈 사태에 대해 차근차근 규명되기를 바라기에….” 레드셔츠 강성 지역인 동북부 이산 출신 활동가 사라윳 탕 프라삿(42)이 전하는 현지 분위기다.
1년간의 감옥 생활을 마치고 보석 석방된 지도부들은 거의 푸에아타이당의 비례대표 후보다. “민주적으로 선출된 정권을 쿠테타로 몰아내고 선거를 요구하는 시위대에 총질한 이들이라면 또 무슨 짓을 할지 모른다. 푸에아타이당과 손잡지 않으면 우린 살아남을 수 없다.” 지도부의 수감 생활 동안 레드셔츠 의장직을 맡아온 띠타 따본세뜨(66)는 푸에아타이당과의 연대가 ‘생존’을 위한 것이라 강조했다.
6월17일, 잉룩의 캠페인을 동행 취재했다. 타일랜드 문화센터 전철역 밖으로 나온 잉락은 오토바이 운전사와 악수를 하고는 그 오토바이에 자신의 캠페인 스티커를 붙여주었다. 방콕의 좁은 길을 누비는 오토바이 운전사들은 대로의 택시 운전사들과 함께 대부분 레드셔츠 성향이다. “우리 당이 집권하면 예정된 지하철 노선을 조속한 시일 내에 건설하겠다.” 탁신 정권 시절 대중고속전철부(MRTA) 수장으로 지하철 프로젝트를 맡은 프라팟 총사구안의 말이다. 2004년 7월4일 지하철이 개통할 때 향후 6년 안에 터널 60km를 더 건설하겠다던 계획은 2006년 쿠데타와 정치 혼란 속에 말짱 도루묵이 되었다.
6월 중순 잉락 팀은 방콕 방플랏 지역의 오톱(OTOP)을 방문했다. 오톱은 지역 특산품을 개발해 주민 경제에 도움을 주는 프로그램으로, ‘30밧(약 1100원) 의료제도’와 함께 탁신의 대표적인 친서민 정책으로 꼽힌다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
오전 지하철 순회에 이어 오후 3시. 잉락 팀은 방콕 방플랏 지역의 오톱(OTOP)을 방문했다. 오톱은 지역 특산품을 개발해 주민 경제에 도움을 주는 프로그램으로, ‘30밧(약 1100원) 의료제도’와 함께 탁신의 대표적인 친서민 정책으로 꼽힌다. 탁신 정권의 공과를 되새김질하며 유권자에게 호소하는 푸에아타이당은 아예 캠페인 구호를 “탁신이 구상하고 당이 실천한다”라고 달았다. 그 오라비의 전설을 타고 정치 경험이 없는 잉락은 푸에아타이당의 비례대표 1번으로 등장했다. 푸에아타이당이 집권에 성공하면 그는 타이 역사상 최초의 여성 총리가 된다.
오후 5시. 차로 약 1시간30분을 달려 랏차부리 지방 선거 유세장에 이르렀다. 무대 중앙에는 ‘곧 여성 총리 탄생’이라는 플래카드가 대문짝만하게 걸려 있다. 먼저 무대에 오른 건 나타웃. “나타웃 프롬판”이라고 소개하며 옥중에 있는 자투폰 프롬판과의 연대를 표한 그는 군중을 잘 웃겼다. 나타웃은 “작금의 연대는 ‘푸에아타이-레드셔츠-탁신’ 3자의 결속이고, 시국이 빚어낸 이 ‘생산물’을 굳게 믿는다”고 말했다. 오후 5시50분께, 잉락이 무대로 오르자 열광의 도가니가 펼쳐졌다.
“잉락 버 능!”(잉락 최고!) 지지자들이 주는 꽃을 한 송이씩 받아드는 그는, 비서가 일으켜 세우지 않았다면 밤새워 꽃을 받을 기세였다. 잉락은 저녁 8시30분 같은 지방의 반퐁 지구로 이동해 “나와 당과 잉락을 믿는다”는 구호와 장미꽃, 지지자들이 내미는 손에 다시 묻혔다. 그는 이미지 정치를 완벽히 소화하고 있다. 빡빡한 스케줄에도 얼굴에 피곤한 기운이 전혀 없다.
민주당 텃밭 방콕도 푸에아타이 우세
“잉락이 비례대표 1번을 단다고 했을 때 불공평하다고 생각했다. 그러나 이미지가 신선하고 젊어서 캠페인에 아주 효과적이다.” 생애 첫 투표라 설렌다는 학생운동가 출신 파이 술룩(25)의 말이다. “첫 연설 때 약간 실망스러웠지만, 지난 6월18일 유세장에서 많이 변한 걸 보고 놀랐다. 맡은 직무에 잘 적응해가는 것 같다.” 진보적 온라인 매체 <프라차타이>에서 선거 취재를 담당하는 기자 핀파카 낭솜도 잉락의 변화에 긍정적 뉘앙스를 담았다.
핀파카를 놀라게 했던 지난 6월18일, 방콕 외곽 웅위안야이 지역에서 열린 푸에아타이당 집회에서 잉락은 각종 공약을 발표하며 정치 보복도 이중 잣대도 없을 것이라고 선언했다. “이 사회의 빈곤층은 오랜 세월 병원 바닥에서 죽어갔다. ‘30밧 의료제도’를 도입한 탁신은 그 현상을 완전히 바꾼 사람이다. 내 생애에 그런 총리를 본 적이 없다.” 이날 유세 현장에서 만난 방콕 주민 찌라파르 밧사파누랏(65)의 말이다. 솜삭(67) 역시 “탁신이 타이 역사에서 최고의 총리였다”며 “잉락이 탁신의 여동생이든 아니든, 그건 중요하지 않다. 우리가 기대하는 건 국민을 위해 진정으로 봉사할 수 있는 지도자다”라고 덧붙였다.
잉락 친나왓 푸에아타이 당수가 지난 6월17일 타이 중부 랏차부리 지방 무앙지구 선거 유세에서 지지자들의 뜨거운 환호를 받고 있다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
옥외 캠페인에 주력하는 푸에아타이당과 달리 민주당은 온라인 캠페인에 강점을 보이고 있다. 6월22일 오후 1시45분(현지시각)을 기준으로, 아피싯의 페이스북과 잉락의 페이스북은 각각 67만7887명, 14만156명의 팬을 확보하고 있다. 민주당은 유혈 사태 종반에 발생한 방콕 중심가의 방화를 선거 캠페인에 적극 활용하고 있다.
선거 캠페인 의제와 방식이 어찌됐건, 대부분의 여론조사는 푸에아타이당의 우세를 말해준다. 지난 6월17일 여론조사기관 ‘수안 두짓’의 조사 결과를 보면, 격전지로 꼽히는 방콕만 해도 52.05% 대 34.15%다. 민주당 강세 지역인 남부 분쟁주에서도 푸에아타이당의 선전 가능성이 제법 있다고 현지 전문가는 진단한다.
“민주당이 그들이 약속한 것을 전혀 이행하지 못했기에 주민들의 기대가 크지 않다. 대신 푸에아타이당을 대안으로 보고 있고 소규모 지역 정당들도 선전하고 있다.” 남부 지역에 기반을 둔 전 기자 노이 따마(39)의 관전평이다. 노이는 “주민들은 이 지역 문제가 특정 정권보다 군부의 손에 달렸다는 걸 잘 인식하고 있다”고 덧붙였다. 가장 안달이 난 건 군부다. 지난 6월15일 군 최고사령관 프라윳 찬 오차는 군부 소유의 <채널5> <채널7>을 통해 “좋은 후보에게 투표하라”며 “양심과 이성과 지혜를 가지고 투표해야 이 국가와 왕정이 안전하다”고 경고했다.
이에 대해 중도 성향의 티티난 풍수디락 출라롱꼰대학 교수는 “딱한 일”이라며 입을 열었다. “프라윳 사령관의 논평에는 그가 원하지 않는 선거 결과가 나올지 모른다는 초조함과 절박함이 담겨 있다. 2000년대 선거는 1970∼90년대 선거와 다르다. 정당들의 공약 이행이 일정하게 관측되고 있다.”
선거에서 이겨도 군부가 뒤집는다?
왕정주의자 조직인 반탁신 성향의 ‘옐로셔츠’(PAD·민주주의민중연대)는 ‘투표 거부’ 캠페인을 벌이고 있다. 그러나 지난 6월21일 선거관리위원회에 푸에아타이당의 해산을 요청하는 등 사실상 민주당에 유리한 상황을 조성하고 있다. 푸에아타이당의 승리를 장담하기는 이르다. 6월22일 여론조사기관 ABAC 조사 결과를 보면, 유권자 30%가 여전히 결정하지 못한 상태다. 가까스로 제1당이 되더라도 연립정부를 구성하는 건 만만치 않은 도전이다. “만일 푸에아타이당이 연립정부를 구성한다면, 취약한 정부를 유지하다가 2008년처럼 ‘기득권층’의 도움을 받는 민주당에 정권을 빼앗길 수도 있다.” 정치평론가로 활동하는 수란드 웨자지와의 분석이다. 싱크탱크 ‘시암 인텔리전스 유닛’ 국장인 칸 위안용(39)의 진단은 이렇다. “표퓰리스트 정책을 고려할 때, 푸에아타이당은 정당투표에서 유리하다. 하지만 선거구의 싸움은 가봐야 안다.” 다수의 열망대로 푸에아타이당이 정권을 잡는다 해도 문제는 끝나지 않는다. 레드셔츠 지지세가 강한 타이 동북부 이산 출신 활동가 수라윳의 말은 레드셔츠들의 마음 한구석에 담긴 조바심과 회의감을 보여주기 때문이다. “레드셔츠의 지지를 받은 푸에아타이당이 집권 이후 기득권층과 화해할까봐, 나는 그게 가장 두렵다.”
방콕·랏차부리(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
<<레드셔츠 지도자 인터뷰>>
코캐우 피쿨통 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“군부와 PAD가 민주당을 돕는다”
레드셔츠 지도자이자 푸에아타이당 비례대표인 콕케우 피쿨통은 6월22일 푸에아타이당사에서 이뤄진 <한겨레21>과의 인터뷰에서 민주주의민중연대(PAD)와 군부가 민주당을 간접 지원하고 있다고 비난했다.
PAD가 선거관리위원회에 푸에아타이당 해산을 요청했다.
푸에아타이당을 파괴하려는 음모다. 물증은 없지만 배후가 있다고 믿는다.
지난주 군 최고사령관 프라윳의 ‘좋은 후보에 투표하라’는 성명에 대해 어떻게 생각하나.
민주당을 간접적으로 돕는 성명이다.
PAD가 지금은 투표거부운동을 하지만 막판에 민주당 품에 안길 가능성이 있다고 보나.
PAD는 그럴 수 있다. 선거 전후로 무슨 일이든 일어날 수 있다.
레드셔츠는 푸에아타이당이 정권을 잡은 뒤, 지난 2년간의 유혈 사태에 대한 진상 규명 없이 화해 절차를 밟을까봐 우려한다.
진상규명위원회는 계속될 것임을 분명히 밝혀둔다.
책임자들을 처벌할 것인가.
처벌, 화해와 사면에 대한 건 또 다른 문제로서 사회의 여론과 상황에 달렸다.
아시아의 여성 정치인을 보면 딸이고, 아내이고, 누이이다. 당신 당도 그 모델을 밟나.
남편과 아버지가 정의롭지 못한 처우를 받을 때 여성이 그 뒤를 이어가는 경우가 많다. 탁신이 이 사회에 기여한 바가 큰데도 불의한 방식으로 총리직에서 물러났다.
만일 푸에아타이당이 정부를 구성한 이후 쿠데타나 사법부 판결 등으로 정권이 또 뒤집어지면 싸울 것인가.
시민들이 가만있지 않을 것이다.
<한겨레21> 2011.07.04 제867호 발행. 기사 원문 보러 가기
고물가에 대처하는 세계 주부들의 자세
[특집]
한국ㆍ중국ㆍ일본ㆍ캄보디아ㆍ영국ㆍ독일ㆍ에콰도르 7개국 주부들의 생생한 물가불안 체험기
회사 앞 식당의 가격표가 많이 바뀌었다. 메뉴마다 500원씩 오른 게 기본이다. 정유사들이 ℓ당 100원씩 휘발유 가격을 내렸다지만, 간에 기별도 안 간다. 고물가 시대, 보통 사람들의 살림살이는 더욱 팍팍해진다. 아랍권의 민주화 바람에도 빵값 등 식량값 폭등이 한몫했다. 멕시코에서는 주식인 토르티야의 원료인 옥수수, 인도에서는 카레에 많이 쓰이는 양파 가격이 인상될 때마다 국민의 불만이 치솟는다. 고물가 시대에 세계의 주부들은 어떻게 살아가고 있을까? 가까운 중국과 일본은 물론 캄보디아, 영국, 독일, 에콰도르까지 각국 주부들의 살림살이 모습을 알아봤다. 공식 수치에 나타난 물가상승률보다 몇 배는 더 껑충 뛴 물가를 체감하고 있었다. 먼저 서울 도봉구에 사는 주부 박현정씨의 장보기 동행으로 시작한다._편집자
캄보디아 주부 헹 로타. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung) 오른쪽 그래프 단위:%, 자료: 국제통화기금(IMF)
[캄보디아] “친정집에 얹혀살기로 겨우 버텨”
중산층 주부 헹 로타가 전하는 캄보디아 물가… 기름값과 고기류 제일 올라 “오르기만 하고 내려가지 않아”
“버는 건 뻔한데 나가는 돈은 늘어만 가고. 정말 힘들어요.”
결혼 4년차, 두 살짜리 아들을 둔 헹 로타(23)는 소녀티가 나는 주부다. 남편 얘기만 나오면 행복한 표정이 줄줄 흐르는 새댁이다.
“옷가게를 제대로 해보려고요. 생계에 보탬도 돼야 하고.”
의상학원 선생님과 나란히 서서 웃고 있는 헹 로타 (왼쪽). 로타가 배우는 의상은 캄보디아 여성들이 잔치때 입는 드레스 정장이다. 한벌 주문가가 약 40달러. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
친정 지원과 텃밭 채소 재배로 생활비 줄여
‘옷가게 프로젝트’를 위해 로타는 1년 과정 의상학원에 다니고 있다. 의상학원 등록금은 무려 180달러(약 20만원). 캄보디아 소득수준을 고려하면 적잖은 돈이다. 육아와 살림에 전념해온 로타는 6개월 뒤 의상학원을 마치면 옷을 만들어 팔 생각이다. 로타가 배우는 의상은 캄보디아 여성들이 잔치 때 입는 드레스 정장으로 한 벌 가격이 약 40달러니 주문만 잘 들어오면 수입이 괜찮다.
4월12일, 시엠리아프 시내에서 40km 남짓 떨어진 로타의 집으로 향했다. 마당에 들어서니 개 서너 마리 다음으로 반기는 건 도요타 캠리다. 친정아버지가 1천달러를 보태주고 은행 융자를 받아 장만한 8천달러짜리 중고차지만 보물 1호다. 10년 새 1인당 국내총생산(GDP)이 두 배 넘게 훌쩍 늘어 2112달러이고 초등교사 월급이 100달러, 식당 노동자 월급이 50~70달러인 캄보디아에서 로타네는 중산층에 가깝다. 기술자로 일하는 남편의 월급은 100달러다. 남편은 중고 오토바이 매매 등을 해 월 최소 200달러는 벌어온다.
“매월 은행 융자 180달러를 갚고 나면 남는 게 없어요. 아직 여덟 달이나 남았는데.”
야채 중심으로 파는 식품점에서 로타는 간장과 젓갈만 각 한 병씩 샀다. 야채는 물가 상승에 대비하기 위해 지출하지 않는 품목이다. 간장 젓갈은 각각 300 리엘씩 올라 총 3000 리엘 (820원)을 지불했다. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
로타네가 융자를 갚고 남은 몇십달러로 버티는 비결은 친정집에 얹혀살기다. 60명의 인부를 두고 농사를 짓는 부모님 덕에 쌀값은 들지 않는다. 이 덕에 로타 부부가 지출하는 건 약간의 먹을거리와 닭 모잇값, 그리고 하루 1달러 미만의 오토바이 기름값 정도다.
“지난해 기름값이 1ℓ당 3500리엘(약 959원)이었는데, 약 5개월 전부터 4500리엘로 올랐어요.” 물가가 가장 많이 오른 품목으로 로타는 기름값을 꼽았다. 물가 상승을 뼈저리게 느끼는 품목을 묻자 고기를 꼽았다. “체감 상승폭은 두 배예요!”
“옷을 안 사요. 채소도 밭에서 키운 걸로 대충 때우고.”
오전 10시30분께. 더 더워지기 전에 장에 가야 한다며 로타가 방과 부엌을 들락거린다.
“쇠고기와 생선은 500g만 사고 케이크 두 개, 바나나, 생강, 주스, 콩, 젓갈, 간장….”
꼼꼼하게 적힌 쇼핑 품목을 위에서부터 다시 훑는다. 역시 채소는 없다. 캄보디아 최대 명절인 ‘쫄 츠남’(캄보디아의 설날)이 이틀 앞으로 다가왔건만 시장은 그리 북적이지 않았다. 옆 나라 타이에서 전기를 끌어다 쓰느라 전기요금이 비싼 시엠리아프 지방에는 냉장고 없는 가정이 다수다. 하루에 두 번 장터를 다녀가는 게 흔한 까닭이다. 장터를 도는 로타는 깎아달라고 조르진 않았지만 이따금 표정이 일그러졌다. 시장에서 돌아온 로타와 가격을 비교해봤다. 우선 6천리엘 하던 생선 500g이 오늘 9천리엘이었고, 케이크는 두 봉지는 5천리엘에서 7천리엘로 올랐다.
명절이라 두 배 또 오른 물가
“바나나는 딱 두 배 올랐어요. 한 묶음에 1500리엘이었는데 오늘은 3천 리엘이나 하잖아요!”
총 4만5천리엘을 지출했다. 명절만 아니었다면 2만리엘로 때울 수 있었단다.
“명절이라 또 오른 거예요. 설 연휴가 지나면 물가가 내려가야 하는 거잖아요? 오르기만 하고 내려가지 않아요.” 2년 안에 분가하려는 로타 부부의 계획은 로타의 옷가게 프로젝트에 달린 듯하다.
시엠리아프(캄보디아)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자
Published by <HanKyoReh21>
* 다른 필자들의 기사인 한국ㆍ중국ㆍ일본ㆍ영국ㆍ독일ㆍ에콰도르 주부들의 이야기는 기사 원문에서 보실 수 있습니다. 원문 보러 가기
258 Days of the Attempt to Block the Contents of Prachatai Website
The below is the press lease by Prachatai.com, the prominent and independent e-media in Thailand. The popular website has been blocked ever since 8 April 2010, a day after the government declared State of Emergency. Excerpts followed by full statement in English and Thai.
- penseur21 -
==========================
1) Prachatai has been blocked for 258 days (as of today, December 21 2010)
2) The amount of financial loss is estimated 5 million baht.
3) The SMS news service has to be stopped, as the SMS provider stopped the service.
4) Prachatai Social Network Channels such as www.facebook.com/prachatai were blocked
5) All three accounts belonged to Prachatai namely (@prachatai, @prachatai_en, @prachatai_wb) along with the YouTube channel (YouTube/user/prachatai) were blocked
6) Once the Decree is lifted in Bangkok and in the close by provinces it means that the blocking of tens of thousands of URLs is the blocking without any legal foundation to justify those blockings.
==========================
<Prachatai Statement>
22 December 2010, Prachatai Office
It had been 258 days that Prachatai.com website had been blocked under the order of the CRES. The order to block the website happened right after the declaration of the Emergency Decree on Public Administration in Emergency Situation (hereafter “Decree”). Prachatai.com, which has been opened since September 2004, was first blocked on 8 April 2010. The amount of financial loss, according to the figures that Prachatai has filed a charge against the government and CRES with the Court of Justice and is currently being investigated by the Court of Appeal, is at 5 million baht.
However, the figure above does not include the emotional and reputation loss and the business opportunity loss which can be divided into two parts. Firstly, the SMS news service that Prachatai had started not long ago could have been a good opportunity for news provider to provide the information to the public who are eager to receive information under the turbulent time. However, the SMS provider informed Prachatai that it would stop the service. The reason made was that there was an order that Prachatai.com was blocked by CRES. Secondly, few days prior to 8 April 2010, Prachatai only started to receive revenues from the advertisement. The blocking of the website definitely led to the insecurity and doubt among businesses that wanted to put its company’s Advertisements in Prachatai.
Ms.Chiranuch Premchaiporn, an editor of the independent website Prachatai in Thailand. While the website has been blocked by the authority, she was arrested at the airport on September 24 - on arrival from “Internet Liberty 2010″ conference in Hungary - under the Computer-related Crimes Act and Lese Majest law. Amnesty International, which deems to be reluctant to criticize the country's severe lese majeste law, has termed her as a prisoner of conscience while she was detained before being released on bail. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Given that the cabinet decided to lift the Decree, Prachatai sees this action as being necessary to present the effects and financial losses from the order to block Prachatai website under the Decree, so that the government which is the actor in enforcing the law will operate according to the principle of legal justice rather than in an arbitrary manner. The latter is what was happening in the past eight years under CRES. The recent report which was released by iLaw.or.th, together with the Faculty of Law, Thammasat University, found that tens of thousands of URLs have been ordered to be blocked under the orders of CRES.
Once we analyze the details of the websites that were blocked, we found that in many cases the blockings were being done in a extremely broad manner. Websites that do not have contents related to politics such as news broadcast websites (i.e. www.justin.tv, www.ustream.tv) were subsequently blocked under the Decree. News website, which presents contents related to the May demonstration and the subsequent crackdown and dispersal by the state officials such as the journal by Nick Nostitz in the Killing Zone, the report by Spring News regarding the casualty from the friendly fire between the soldiers during the clash at Don Muang, the interview of witnesses at Wat Prathumwanaram, the report of Citizen Journalists who were in the demonstration and presented their stories on YouTube and Vimeo were all subsequently blocked.
If we analyze the contents of websites that were blocked, we can say that this is a serious act by the government to “close the mouths, ears, and eyes of the Thai people”.
Coming back to the experience of Prachatai in these past months, we were faced with continuous blockings. There were attempts in every way possible to block all the news channels of Prachatai. The Prachatai website had changed the name of the website eight times. The webboard had changed its name three times before Prachatai made the decision to shut it down on 31 July 2010. Apart from these examples, Prachatai Social Network Channels such as www.facebook.com/prachatai were blocked. All three accounts belonged to Prachatai namely (@prachatai, @prachatai_en, @prachatai_wb) along with the YouTube channel (YouTube/user/prachatai) were blocked. The attempts via the blocking of the website, IP address, and servers led to the reason for Prachatai to change its server, website registration, and all its online operation abroad to guarantee the possible accessibilities of our readers and to guarantee the safety of information that the users would not be able to be accessed or threatened by the government. Since our operation has been relocated abroad, this led to the unnecessary high costs and the unnecessary loss of money that could have been circulated inside the country to improve the business and to play a role in the progression of the news and technology industry. Such trends however are likely to be used by other news online and Thai Netizens as long as the situation of the threats to the online media and netizens will continue.
The important thing that the media needs to be concerned and stay focused to monitor the move of CRES to a new center under the directive of the ISOC using the power of the Internal Security Act rather than the Decree. Therefore, the irregularity of law which will have effect on the rights, liberties, and human security will continue. However, the framework of the power of the ISA does not give ISOC the power to block the dissemination of media information. Therefore, once the Decree is lifted in Bangkok and in the close by provinces it means that the blocking of tens of thousands of URLs is the blocking without any legal foundation to justify those blockings.
================================
<Statement in Thai>
258 วันของการพยายามปิดกั้นข่าวสารของเว็บไซต์ประชาไท
22 ธันวาคม 2553, สำนักงานประชาไท
258 วันที่เว็บไซต์ประชาไทดอทคอมถูกปิดกั้นโดยคำสั่ง ศอฉ. เกือบจะทันทีหลังจากที่มีประกาศใช้ พ.ร.ก.การบริหารราชการในสถานการณ์ฉุกเฉิน โดยประชาไทดอทคอม [http://www.prachatai.com] ซึ่งเปิดมาตั้งแต่ กันยายน 2547 ได้ถูกปิดกั้นการเข้าถึงทั้งเว็บไซต์เป็นครั้งแรกเมื่อวันที่ 8 เมษายน 2553 หากประเมินมูลค่าความเสียหายที่เกิดขึ้นมีมูลค่าไม่ต่ำกว่า 5 ล้านบาทตามการฟ้องเรียกค่าเสียหาย ซึ่งประชาไทได้ยื่นฟ้องรัฐบาลและศอฉ. ต่อศาลยุติธรรมและขณะนี้คดีอยู่ในการพิจารณาของศาลอุทธรณ์
อย่างไรก็ตามตัวเลขดังกล่าวยังไม่อาจนับรวมความเสียหายทางจิตใจ ชื่อเสียงและความสูญเสียโอกาสทางธุรกิจที่เกิดขึ้นซึ่งมีอย่างน้อย 2 ประการ ประการแรกบริการข่าว SMS ซึ่ง ประชาไทเริ่มเปิดบริการได้ไม่นาน และในห้วงเวลาของการที่สถานการณ์การเมืองที่ควรจะเป็นโอกาสอย่างยิ่งสำหรับ ผู้ประกอบกิจการด้านข่าวสารเนื่องจากประชาชนกำลังต้องการรับรู้ข่าวสาร ผู้ให้บริการ SMS ได้แจ้งขอยุติการให้บริการโดยอ้างเหตุแห่งการที่เว็บไซต์ประชาไทดอทคอมถูกคำสั่งปิดกั้นโดย ศอฉ. โอกาส ทางธุรกิจประการที่สองคือรายได้จากการโฆษณาเพราะเพียงไม่กี่วันก่อนหน้าที่ จะมีคำสั่งปิดกั้นการเข้าถึงเว็บไซต์ ประชาไทเพิ่งประชาสัมพันธ์การขายพื้นที่โฆษณาบนเว็บไซต์ และเมื่อเว็บไซต์ถูกปิดกั้นดังกล่าว ย่อมก่อให้เกิดความไม่มั่นใจและความหวั่นกลัวสำหรับธุรกิจที่จะลงโฆษณาใน ประชาไท
ในโอกาสที่คณะรัฐมนตรีมีมติให้ยกเลิกการบังคับใช้ พ.ร.ก.ฉุกเฉินฯ ประชาไทเห็นว่าเป็นความจำเป็นที่จะต้องนำเสนอผลกระทบและมูลค่าความเสียหายอันเนื่องมาจากคำสั่งปิดกั้นสื่อภายใต้ พ.ร.ก.ฉุก เฉิน เพื่อให้รัฐบาลซึ่งเป็นผู้มีอำนาจในการบังคับใช้กฎหมายได้ดำเนินไปโดยหลัก แห่งความเป็นธรรมทางกฎหมายมากกว่าจะเป็นไปในลักษณะอำเภอใจ ดังที่เกิดขึ้นในห้วงเวลากว่า 8 เดือนภายใต้ ศอฉ. ซึ่งพบว่ามีเว็บไซต์หลายหมื่น URLs ดังรายงานของ iLaw.or.th ที่ ศึกษาร่วมกับคณะนิติศาสตร์ มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์ อ้างข้อมูลแหล่งข่าวผู้ให้บริการอินเทอร์เน็ตซึ่งได้รับรายการคำสั่งให้ปิด กั้นการเข้าถึงเว็บไซต์
หาก พิจารณาลงไปในรายละเอียดของเว็บไซต์ที่ถูกปิดกั้นพบว่าในหลายกรณีเป็นการปิด กั้นในลักษณะครอบคลุมกว้างขวาง ไม่ว่าจะเป็นการปิดกั้นทั้งเว็บไซต์ซึ่งหลายกรณีไม่ได้เป็นเว็บไซต์ที่ เกี่ยวข้องกับการเมืองแต่อย่างใด เช่น เว็บไซต์ที่ให้บริการถ่ายทอดสด อาทิ www.justin.tv , www.ustream.tv , การ ปิดกั้นเนื้อหาที่นำเสนอรายงานเหตุการณ์ที่เกิดขึ้นในการชุมนุมรวมถึง ปฏิบัติการของเจ้าหน้าที่รัฐในการปราบปรามและสลายการชุมนุม โดยการปิดกั้นรายงานของนักข่าวในสนามไม่ว่าจะเป็น บันทึกของ “นิค นอสติตซ์” เล่าเรื่อง “ในเขตสังหาร”, รายงานข่าวของ Spring News ในเหตุการณ์ที่พลทหารถูกยิงเสียชีวิตซึ่งคาดว่าจะมาจากการยิงพลาดของเพื่อนทหารด้วยกันเองในเหตุปะทะที่ดอนเมือง, สัมภาษณ์ พยานในเหตุการณ์วัดปทุมวนารามของประชาไท และรายงานของนักข่าวพลเมืองที่ร่วมอยู่ในเหตุการณ์ซึ่งบันทึกวิดีโอเพื่อบอก เล่าเหตุการณ์ผ่าน เว็บไซต์ youtube และ vimeo
ดังนั้นหากพิจารณาจากลักษณะของเนื้อหาจำนวนหนึ่งที่ถูกปิดกั้นจึงกล่าวได้ว่า “เป็นการปิดปากเพื่อปิดหูปิดตาประชาชน”
สำหรับ ประสบการณ์ของประชาไทในการถูกปิดกั้นในครั้งนี้ ต้องเผชิญกับการปิดกั้นโดยต่อเนื่อง และมีความพยายามในการปิดกั้นทุกช่องทาง เว็บไซต์ข่าวประชาไทเปลี่ยนชื่อเว็บไปทั้งหมด 8 ครั้ง และเว็บบอร์ดประชาไทเปลี่ยนชื่อ 3 ครั้ง ก่อนที่ประชาไทจะตัดสินใจปิดเว็บบอร์ดไปเมื่อวันที่ 31 กรกฎาคม ที่ผ่านมา นอกจากนี้ยังมีการปิดกั้นช่องทาง Social Networks ทั้งหลายไม่ว่าจะเป็น Facebook/prachatai, ทวิตเตอร์ทั้ง 3 บัญชี @prachatai , @prachatai_en, @prachatai_wb ตลอดจนช่อง youtube ของประชาไท YouTube/user/prachataiความพยายามปิดกั้นกระทำทั้งโดยการปิดกั้นชื่อเว็บ, การปิดกั้น IP, การปิดกั้นที่เซิร์ฟเวอร์ เป็นเหตุให้ประชาไทต้องย้ายไปใช้บริการเซิร์ฟเวอร์, การ จดทะเบียนชื่อเว็บและอื่นๆเกือบทั้งหมดในต่างประเทศ เพื่อเป็นหลักประกันในการที่เว็บจะสามารถเข้าถึงได้ และเป็นหลักประกันเรื่องความปลอดภัยสำหรับข้อมูลของผู้ใช้งานที่จะไม่ถูก เข้าถึงและคุกคามโดยรัฐ ซึ่งการต้องอาศัยบริการในต่างประเทศก่อให้เกิดค่าใช้จ่ายที่สูงกว่าที่ควร และยังเป็นการสูญเสียรายได้ที่ควรจะหมุนเวียนอยู่ในประเทศเพื่อพัฒนาธุรกิจ/ความ ก้าวหน้าของอุตสาหกรรมเทคโนโลยีข่าวสารก็ต้องรั่วไหลออกไปสู่ต่างประเทศ ซึ่งแนวโน้มในลักษณะดังกล่าวนี้จะยังคงมีอยู่ต่อไป ภายใต้สถานการณ์ที่ยังมีการปิดกั้นและคุกคามสื่อออนไลน์และพลเมืองเน็ต
สิ่งสำคัญที่สื่อสารมวลชนจะต้องตระหนักและร่วมกันเฝ้าตรวจสอบการแปลงโฉมจาก ศอฉ. มาเป็น ศตส. โดยอาศัยการบังคับใช้ พ.ร.บ.ความมั่นคงภายในฯ แทน พ.ร.ก.ฉุก เฉินฯ ดังนั้นอำนาจพิเศษตามกฎหมายซึ่งมีลักษณะพิเศษที่กระทบต่อสิทธิเสรีภาพและ ความมั่นคงของพลเมืองยังคงมีอยู่ อย่างไรก็ตามขอบเขตอำนาจของ พ.ร.บ.ความมั่นคงภายในฯไม่ได้มีอำนาจในการปิดกั้นสื่อ และเมื่อมีการยกเลิกการการบังคับใช้ พ.ร.ก.ฉุกเฉิน ในพื้นที่กรุงเทพฯและปริมณฑลย่อมถือว่าการปิดกั้นการเข้าถึงเว็บไซต์หลายหมื่นยูอาร์แอล (URLs) จึงเป็นการปิดกั้นที่ไม่มีกฎหมายรองรับแต่อย่างใด
암흑시대전사들 타이레드셔츠
2010년 3-5월 방콕 중심가에서 의회해산과 총선 실시를 요구하며 시위를 벌이다 유혈진압당한 ‘타이레드셔츠’에 대한 멀티미디어 기록입니다. 같은 해 7월, 제 6회 인천여성영화제에서 상영된 바 있습니다. 일부 이미지는 이전 해에 찍은 것입니다.
The multimedia on Thai Red Shirts and the April-May bloody crackdown on them is primarily for Korean audiences with Korean subtitle as it was screened at the 6th Incheon Women’s Film Festival in South Korea in July 2010. A few images in it were taken previous years. All rights reserved @ Lee Yu Kyung
“We know who..” said Red Shirts
Six months on bloody crackdown in Bangkok Thailand, embolden red shirts brewing new slogans
Lee Yu Kyung in Bangkok
Mr. Sombat Boonngamanong (42) is a man of sunny and smile, wearing a ‘red shirt’. After the April-May crackdown on Red Shirts at Ratchprasong in central Bangkok, which killed more than 90 – mostly civilians -, Red Shirts shortly ‘disappeared’ in public eyes while developing their outrage even further but silently. It didn’t take long time for Red Shirts to renew their campaign in public, to which Mr.Sombat has significantly contributed encouraging silenced anger onto the rather fun and festive-like street performance.
Mr. Sombat Boonngamangong (left), the leader of Red Sunday Group and also long time activist, has renewed Red Shirts campaign in public, such as aerobic or dead bodies performance (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Mr.Sombat Boonnagamanong, Red Shirts activist (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“I went to Ratchaprasong to tie red ribbons with the street board of ‘Ratchaprasong’ a month after the crackdown. I suggested other Red Shirts to do the same thing” said Mr.Sombat. “Police arrested me to detain for two weeks. So the renewing activities have become news” he added. The long time NGO activist, after released, has been organizing more activities such as red aerobic and dead bodies performance at symbolic venues.
His audacious initiative has attracted more numbers and attentions, which eventually have been led to two mass demonstrations at Ratchaprasong within six months.
On November 19, two month after the rally to mark four month on the crackdown as well as fourth anniversary of the 2006 military coup on September 19, tens of thousands Red Shirts turned out in central Bangkok again to mark, this time, six months on the crackdown. Defying the emergency decree, which rights group called on the Thai government to lift, Red Shirts have shown off their evident return en mass. Candle light vigil to remeber their fallen fellows on one hand, singing, dancing and chanting for hours, such as “Ti Ni Mi Khon Tai”, which means “People died here”, were heard on the other.
Tens of thousands Red Shirts remember their fellows and family who got killed six months ago. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Red Shirts protesters return to the street with new slogans. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Tens of thousands Red Shirts remember their fellows who got killed six months ago. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
However, there was something new slogan chanted by surprise, as the rally was closing down. That was “Ai-Hia Sung Kha, E-Ha Sung Ying”, which means, “Bastard ordered the killing, Bastard ordered to fire”. The similar slogans were heard on September 19 as well, according to the Nation report.
“We chant this, because…” said one red shirt “…we want to show that we know who ordered to kill and fire.” But she didn’t specify who they meant.
Besides, there have been reports about graffiti which can be interpreted as violating the country’s harsh Lese Majeste Law. This phenomenon, never was imaginable six plus months ago.
The Red Shirts have now tried to push the limit.
Red Shirts protesters return to the street with new slogans. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Red Shirts protesters returned to the street with new slogans. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The resurgent Red Shirts said to be organizing in small sized different groups without centralized leadership, which is, according to one activist who doesn’t want to be named, “a better way to continue” their movement.
“When there were core leaders at center, the authority could easily target the leaders to weak our movement” he argued.
It remains to be seen where the returned red shirts would be heading for without a core leadership-structure. But sure thing is so far that Red Shirts look resilient.
“Not only Thaksin, but also leaders, whom Red Shirts are now beyond. People have been empowering themselves more and more” said the activist Sombat. “Our goal is to change a mind-set of Thai society, where you have ‘owners’ or ‘superior’ of this country, while grass roots are treated as like ‘visitors’ or ‘inferior’ citizens” he explained.
Meanwhile there was an order from the army chief General Prayut Chan-O-Cha, ahead of the demonstration on November 19, who warned that emergency laws prohibited carrying items like clothes, sandals or photographs deemed to ‘incite disunity’. Colonel Sansern Kaewkumnerd, the spokesperson for Center for the Resolution of Emergency Situation (or CRES) has reportedly said “It is police who will decide what might be inciting disunity”, indicating the spokesperson himself has little idea about criteria. Nontheless, severe penalties up to two years in jail or a maximum fine of 40,000 baht – or both- were set for violators of the ban. A few flip-flops vendors have been reportedly arrested for selling shoes bearing Prime Minister’s face in recent months.
One of the reactions to this measure was from the establishment-friendly Bangkok Post. The Post wrote an editorial entitled “Democracies don’t ban items of free expression” on November 21,
“By what authority does the military, in this case through the CRES, has the power to arbitrarily decide what is lawful and what is not and set penalties?”
The Prime Minister Abhisit Vejajiva has reportedly expressed his displeasure at this order as well.
Red Shirts return to the street of Bangkok with new slogans, among which is "Ai ha Sung Kha" expressing that they knew who ordered to kill (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Red Shirts return to the street of Bangkok with new slogans, among which is "Ai ha Sung Kha" expressing that they knew who ordered to kill (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Truly speaking, the Kingdom of Thailand has been largely controlled by the military dominated CRES, which can be above the administration led by Oxford-educated Prime Minister in civilian cloth. Interestingly, on November 22, the deputy Prime Minister Suthep Taungsuban has reportedly said “The CRES is not trying to take power or staging a coup when it imposes special laws. It only wants to keep the situation orderly”
Such measures to maintain ‘the situation in order’, however, may brew up many more new slogans by Red shirts, who have now recovered, returned and radicalized. The April-May crackdown and developments onwards have proved it.
Red Shirts at Ratchaprasong on November 19, 2010 (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Security forces at Red Shirts demonstration in Ratchprasong area on November 19, 2010 (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Red Shirts at Ratchaprasong on November 19, 2010 (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
2nd update>
According to the Nation’s latest breaking news on November 26,
“the Center for Resolution of Emergency Situation (CRES) Friday agreed to lift ban of political sarcastic items created by protesters to insult elite as the spokesman Colonel Sansern Kaewkamnerd said the centre found nobody violated the regulation”
I wonder if there was any particular regulation or article – in writting- for banning these items in the first place? It seems that the CRES has become a lawmaker ‘by announcing’ and judge ‘by announcing’. The CRES has violated fundamental rights of those who were already arrested – even released afterwards- for selling stuffs for their livelihood. IF the regulation refers to any article of any other law – not the decree -, then it should be the court, not the Colonel, who judge whether it has been violated or not.
====================================================
“To change the mind-set of Thai society is our goal”
-Interview : Mr.Sombat Boonngamanong, Red Sunday Group-
Lee Yu Kyung
Khun Sombat (42), the long time NGO activist has been of great help to recovering red activity in public. He has often travelled to Issarn – the country’s north east – where many Red Shirts are originated from, to promote red activity in peaceful. Recently I’ve talked with him at Red Sunday Group office. Excerpts.
===================================================
Q. It seems Red Shirts are gradually recovering. There were tens of thousands people gathering at Ratchprasong on November 19 to mark 6 month since the May crackdown. What has been developed in Red Shirts movement for the past 6 months, after the bloody crackdown?
A. Let me explain an evolution that I’ve involved in. Since the crackdown, I’ve started to use Facebook, on which I launched Red Sunday campaign. First I have suggested red supporters to use one logo, in which “I am a red” was written, for their profile picture of Facebook. Many changed their pictures on Sunday. So it worked out.
Second, I invited five friends to café having political discussion, and encouraged them to make the same meeting composed of five others wearing red shirts. The campaign of ‘Five Reds at Café’ has been spread out to produce many red shirts gathering for a discussion with their fellows. One day, we went to BigC at Ladprao (the north east district in Bangkok) to have 100 people.
Another activity was conducted one month after the crackdown. I went to Ratchaprasong to tie red ribbons with the street sign of “Ratchaprasong”. I suggested other Red Shirts to do the same thing, “When you go to Ratchprasong, please you tie a red ribbon”. But police arrested me. I was in police custody for two weeks.
But my story came to public. My comrades in NGO field published open letters in protest. Many people talked about me. So the renewal activities have become news. When I was released, I tried to do it again.
These are all public activities in simple, soft but creative. Not aggressive. Then people would feel that it’s possible to re-new red activity.
To be honest, people were afraid seeing their fellows, friends and family were gunned down. But they seemed to be encouraged when they saw my activity. “Ok, Khun Sombat is doing this, why shouldn’t I” they might have thought. (laugh)
Q. Have you noticed radicalization among Red Shirts more than before in the last six months?
A. I can’t comment on that. I don’t agree with every single measure or slogan. I only can say that I support the spirit of Red Shirts movement.
Q. What is the spirit?
A. First, they are conscientiously fighting against suppressor. Second, it’s about democracy. Democratization in Thailand is unstable but in process. You see, the authority in democratic county should have not used ‘snipers’ and ‘guns’ to control mass rally. It was not the way of control the mass at all, but of killing.
Q. Then what is your observation about democracy in Thailand at this current stage?
A. It’s not like we have no democracy at all, but we have no democracy (laugh). The middle class who have power and freedom might have felt they are the owners of the country and there’s democracy. But the reality with which the poor face would be different. This is why middle class couldn’t understand why Red Shirts from provinces came to Bangkok to rally. So they told Red Shirt ‘go home’ or ‘go farming’. There are two different faces of democracy in Thailand.
Q. Where would you say is Khun Thaksin’s status in current and future Red Shirts movement?
A. Many Red Shirts love him. True. But Thaksin is not a goal. The goal is to achieve democracy. Thaksin’s power has been decreasing among Red Shirts. Not only Thaksin, but also leadership is being beyond by Red Shirts now. People have been empowering themselves.
But problem is, in my opinion, while there are some activities and new leaders trying to build up in Bangkok, there’s not much activity in rural area, which is a base of many Red Shirts. I try to encourage people up there.
Q. Your group is one of many Red Shirts. How often do you correspond with other groups?
A, Not much though, we do have. When we need to join forces for certain activity, we exchange email and phone. One example was the ‘Red around the World’ rally on September 19 on the occasion of 4th anniversary of 2006 coup and also 4 months since the crackdown.
My idea is to promote small but many groups. And we would keep our network between groups to finally build up Red Shirts movement in huge once again. There is supposed to be a decentralized leadership than centralized one.
Q. What about Khun Jatuporn Prompen, one of the core leaders, who has not been arrested? What sort of communication you have had with him?
A. I believe Jatuporn is also happy with our idea (of decentralized leadership). There is no dispute regarding this. We have known each other more than 20 years. Last week, for about one hour, I discussed with him on the red campaign, but not that much communication in general.
Q. What is your next plan?
A. We plan a workshop named “Democracy School” from next year.
Q. What would say is a goal of your campaign?
A. Democracy.
Q. Could you be more specific? You wana change regime? Or you wana change system?
A. The goal of our group’s campaign is to change a mind-set in Thai society, where you have ‘owners’ or ‘superiors’ of this country, while grass roots are treated as like ‘visitors’ or ‘inferiors’ citizens. Every individual is equal. Again, we want to empower ourselves.
누구를 위해 방콕의 폭탄은 터졌나
한겨레21 [2010.08.06 제822호]
레드 셔츠가 ‘에어로빅 시위’ 를 하는 동안 5월 저항의 중심가에서 ‘마침’ 터진 폭탄…
아피싯 정부의 비상사태 연장 명분 살려줘
» 타이 방콕의 룸피니 공원에서 레드 셔츠들이 지난 4~5월의 시위 진압 과정에서 숨진 이들을 기억하려 ‘시체 퍼포먼스’를 벌이고 있다. (Photo @ Yu K.Lee)
“띠니 미 콘 따이!”(여기서도 사람이 죽었다!)
7월25일 일요일, 우기의 선선한 저녁께 타이 방콕 남부의 룸피니 공원에 삼삼오오 모여든 시민 수백 명의 외침이 이어졌다. 어떤 이는 레드 셔츠를 입었고, 어떤 이는 레드 밴드만 하거나 레드 신발만 신었다. 4∼5월 유혈 진압으로 숨진 90명의 사망자를 상징하려는 듯 수십 명은 군중 한가운데에 드러누워 나름대로 ‘시체’임을 표현하려 애썼다. 실제 룸피니 공원은 5월 진압 당시에 격전지였고 인근에서 숨진 사람도 있었다. 그래서 방콕의 레드 셔츠는 지금 ‘시체 퍼포먼스’를 벌이는 중이다. 누구도 유혈 진압의 책임을 묻지도 인정하지도 않는 가운데 동료의 죽음을 기억하려는 이들에게 이날 ‘발칙한’ 계획이 하나 더 있었다.
“우리의 이번주 활동 첫 번째는 에어로빅, …현장에 도착하는 이들은 워밍업으로 뜀박질을 하자. 배드민턴 라켓이 있는 자는 배드민턴을 치고… 귀신 분장을 한 이들은 경찰 앞에서 운동을 하자. …만일 에어로빅이 저지당하면 즉각 뜀박질로 들어가라. 경찰을 에워싸며 계속 뛰어라. 오후 6시 타이 왕국의 국가가 울려퍼지면 꼿꼿이 서서 부르다 국가가 끝나면 모두 바닥에 드러누워 이렇게 외치자. ‘여기서도 사람이 죽었다!’라고.”
에어로빅·달리기·배드민턴 저항
소셜 미디어 ‘페이스북’을 통해 퍼져나간 이 메시지가 수백 명의 레드 셔츠를 룸피니 공원으로 이끌었다. 레드 셔츠가 운영하던 잡지·라디오·방송은 물론 비판적 언론 대부분이 강제 폐쇄된 가운데 페이스북 같은 소셜 미디어는 효과적인 동원 수단이다(물론 페이스북도 감시 대상에서 예외는 아니다). 인근 주민들이 이따금 집단 에어로빅댄스를 추는 룸피니 공원에서 그 에어로빅을 패러디하며 시위하는 레드 셔츠는 지난 주말에도 5명 이상 모이는 걸 금지한 비상사태령을 피해가는 방식으로 시위를 해왔다.
앞서 7월11일에는 방콕 중심가 랏차쁘라송 교차로에서 ‘랏차쁘라송’이라 적힌 거리 입구 간판 받침대에 붉은 끈을 다는 퍼포먼스를 벌였고, 시위를 주도한 활동가 솜밧 분나르마농은 경찰에 연행된 뒤 풀려났다. 18일에는 홈리스 문제를 다루는 비정부기구(NGO) 이사라촌 재단의 활동가 나띠 손와리가 같은 장소에서 “나는 이곳에서 죽은 사람을 봤다”는 구호를 외치다 사복 경찰들에게 사지가 들려 잡혀간 뒤 조사를 받고 풀려났다. 사지가 들린 채 그는 “나는 혼자 왔다”고 외치며 5명 이상 모일 수 없는 비상사태를 조소했다. 타이 북부 도시 치앙라이에서는 학생 5명이 유사한 구호가 적힌 피켓을 들고 침묵시위를 벌이다 경찰에 연행돼 조사받았고, 이 중 일부는 7월30일 시위 정국을 관할하는 비상사태해결센터(CRES)로, 다른 일부는 8월2일 경찰서로 출두하게 된다. 이들 중 한 명인 16살의 고등학생은 7월19일 집으로 들이닥친 경찰에게 노트북을 빼앗겼다고 그의 어머니가 전했다. “치앙라이 학생들이 소년감호소에 수감이라도 된다면, 우린 치앙라이로 올라가 항의시위를 벌일 것이다.” 계속되는 일요시위를 주도하는 솜밧이 에어로빅을 마친 뒤 말했다.
그러나 이런 산발적 퍼포먼스조차 더 어려워지지 않을까 우려할 만한 사건이 발생했다. 방콕 레드 셔츠들이 시체 퍼포먼스를 벌이던 7월25일 오후 5시50분께, 에어로빅댄스가 끝나기 무섭게 룸피니 공원에서 3km가량 떨어진 랏차쁘라송 ‘빅시’(Big C) 슈퍼마켓 앞 버스정류장에서 폭탄이 터졌다. 쓰레기통 안에 감춰진 폭탄은 버스를 기다리던 시민 타왓차이 통막(51)의 목숨을 앗아갔고 행인 10명이 다쳤다. 지난 4~5월 수만 명의 레드 셔츠가 가득 메우던 그 거리, 특히 5월19일 시위 진압 막바지에 불타오른 센트럴월드 쇼핑몰의 건너편이자 마찬가지로 불타오른 대형 슈퍼마켓 빅시 앞에서 터진 폭탄은, 누구의 소행이더라도, 복합적 메시지를 담은 ‘정치 폭탄’임이 별달리 의심할 여지가 없었다.
집권당 선거 승리도 가린 폭발
이날 터진 폭탄은 오히려 아피싯 정부의 비상사태 유지에 좋은 명분을 안겨주었다. 정부 대변인 빠니탄 와따나야꼰은 “이날의 폭탄은 비상사태 유지가 불가피함을 일깨워주었다”고 말했고, 국방부 장관 프라윗 웡수완은 치안을 더 강화하겠다고 다짐했다. 비상사태 연장 반대에 상대적으로 높은 수치를 보이던 여론조사 결과도 달라졌다. 폭발 사건 직후 수안두짓라자밧대학이 실시한 조사는 비상사태 지지율 47%를 보이며 비상령 유지에 힘을 실어줬다.
7월 25일 방콕 라차프라송 구역에서 터진 폭탄은 같은 날 치뤄진 보궐선거의 여당 승리에 그늘을 드리운 동시에 정부에는 비상사태 유지의 명분을 주었다 (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
최근 아피싯 정부는 비상사태 해제 압력을 국내외에서 받아왔다. 한 예로 7월5일 벨기에 브뤼셀에 본부를 둔 싱크탱크 ‘국제위기그룹’은 진정한 화해를 위해 타이 정부가 레드 셔츠 지도부에 대한 테러리즘 혐의를 기각하고 비상사태를 해제해야 한다고 권고했다. 그러나 다음날 정부는 방콕과 동북부 19개 지역의 비상사태를 연장했다. 정부 주도로 구성된 ‘전국개혁위원회’의 아난드 파냐라촌 위원장조차 최근 비상사태 해제를 권고한 바 있지만, 29일 해제된 6개 지역을 포함해 9개 지역에서만 비상사태가 해제됐을 뿐이다. 7월28일 현재 전국 10개 지역(레드 시위 이전인 2004년부터 폭탄 테러가 있던 남부 3개 이슬람 분쟁 주를 포함하면 총 13개 지역)에 여전히 비상사태를 유지하고 있는 정부는 만에 하나 다른 지역은 비상사태 해제를 검토하더라도 방콕은 유지하겠다는 입장이다.
흥미로운 건 옐로 셔츠인 민주주의민중연대(PAD) 시위대 수백 명이 7월27일 오후 방콕 유네스코 건물 앞에서 비상사태령에도 아랑곳없이 시위를 벌였다는 점이다. 캄보디아 정부가 1962년 국제사법재판소에 의해 자국 소유로 판명받은 프레아 비헤아르 사원을 브라질에서 진행 중인 유네스코 세계문화유산위원회 회의에 문화유산 후보로 올려놓자 PAD가 이를 반대하는 시위를 벌인 것이다. PAD는 이 사원의 소유 문제를 두고 극우적 캠페인을 벌이며 2년 전 양국의 무력 분쟁까지 촉발한 바 있다.
아무튼 PAD처럼 비상사태령을 무시할 수 없는 레드 셔츠는 법망을 피해가는 옥외 시위를 여러 형태로 계속할 것으로 보인다. 레드 셔츠는 8월1일 민주기념탑 부근에서 퍼포먼스와 토크쇼 등을 벌일 계획을 페이스북을 통해 알리고 있다. 아울러 레드 셔츠 안에서 급진적 입장을 가진 ‘레드 시암’ 조직도 하나둘 늘어나고 있다.
폭탄은 같은 날 치러진 방콕의 제6선거구 보궐선거에서 득표율 8%포인트 차로 당선된 집권 민주당 파닉 비킷스렛 후보의 승리에 쏠린 이목도 분산시켰다. 타이 영자 일간지 <더네이션>은 ‘폭탄이 파닉의 승리에 초를 쳤다’고 제목을 달았다. 민주당은 사실 독점적으로 선거운동을 벌였다. 그와 접전을 벌인 레드 셔츠 지도부이자 프어타이당이 공천한 코캐우 피쿨통(43) 후보는 테러리즘 혐의로 방콕 리멘드 감옥에 수감 중이고, 선거운동을 위한 보석 석방을 계속 거부당해왔다.
“이 사회에 불의가 있다고 믿는다면 유권자가 나를 찍어주길 바란다.” 선거 직전 기자와 가진 옥중 인터뷰에서 그는 선거운동을 거의 못하지만 결과에는 승복하겠다고 말했다. 안 그래도 불공정한 선거운동을 업고 이겼다는 눈길을 받는 민주당의 승리는 투표 종료 직후 폭탄 뉴스까지 터져 더욱 어색해진 셈이다.
언제 다시 터질지 모르는 시한폭탄
랏차쁘라송 거리가 쇼핑가의 영광을 회복할 수 있을까. 여전히 대형 백화점이 밀집한 시암 스퀘어에는 사람들이 북적이지만, 랏차쁘라송 교차로에서 펫차부리 방향으로는 예전 같은 교통 체증이 보이지 않는다. 68개 폐쇄회로텔레비전(CCTV)이 돌아가는 이 구역에서 터진 폭탄의 범인을 잡아낼 수 있을지도 의문이다.
아울러, 폭탄이 터지는 방콕 도심이 또다시 불타는 건 ‘만일’이 아니라 ‘언제’의 문제라고 전문가들은 우려스럽게 전망한다. 극심한 서열 체제와 소수 엘리트가 독점하는 타이 사회에 순응해온 사회 구성원 다수의 눈과 귀가 트여버린 이상, 그들이 다시 순응하는 인간형으로 돌아가기는 힘들 것 같다. 법망을 피해가며 끈질기게 모여들어 퍼포먼스를 벌이고 에어로빅댄스를 추는 군중의 모습은 분명 그 신호다.
방콕(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
Published by <HanKyoReh21> at
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/27870.html
Absurd sequences powered by Emergency Decree
Bangkok, July 25
Yesterday, I’ve come across a story about 16 year old student in Chiang Rai, Northern Thailand, where the teenager and four other students – mostly university students – have publicly carried out banners, among which was “I saw the dead at Rachaprasong” (‘Rachaprasong’ used to be a main protest site of Thai Red Shirts-ed) on July 16. They were reportedly organized the gathering on July 16 through Facebook, the social network which is watched by a ‘vigilant’ authority in Thailand.
Photo by "Chiang Rai power"
Photo by "Chiang Rai power"
Their activity seemed to rub the ‘all (or ill) powerful’ authority, which could not spare even the minor. The 16 year old boy, the student of DramRongRatchaSongKro Chiang Rai – secondary school – and his family have been under enormous pressure, as they were called and interrogated by police in repeat.
Photo by "Chiang Rai power"
According to sources, students who participated this humble gathering reported themselves to Center for the Resolution of the Emergency Situation (or CRES) on July 18. They will have to turn in again to CRES on July 30. However, the 16 year old boy was interrogated by uninvited police at his home next day. Police took his notebook and some documents at the time.
This absurdity is, obviously a creation powered by Emergency Decree. Three of those participants were reportedly issued arrest warrants for violation the Decree. The violation against rights to write such as ‘I saw the dead at Rachaprasong…’ and hold the banner in five persons together is one of the sequent episodes in the country. On July 18 one NGO activist named Nathee Sornwaree at Rachaprasong was taken by undercover police as he was shouting something similar to “I saw people shot at..” Thailand, where the Decree has been applied to each and every critical piece, has become a subject of ‘serious gossip’ among rights groups and journalists.
Despite strong recommendations from various parties, including the government appointed-National Reform Committee led by the former PM Anand Panyarachun, there’s little sign that the decree will be lifted sooner than later. There’s a word of ‘gradually’ (lift of the decree) spelled by Prime Minister according to AFP (http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iylC73MOWOw7kZuNfTFRTg71bt8A), while scrutiny as well as censorship on ‘off and online’ have been persistent.
Please read more regarding the issue above mentioned, reported by Matichon in Thai at
http://www.matichon.co.th/news_detail.php?newsid=1279874111&grpid=01&catid
and in english at http://asiancorrespondent.com/bangkok-pundit-blog/what-happens-when-you-say-you-saw-dead-people
which is the only english article as of early morning of July 25. Neither the self-claimed ‘the world’s window to Thailand’ Bangkok Post, nor ‘independent’ or ‘insightful’ The Nation has not reported it ‘yet’.
Nathee Sornwaree’s case at Rachaprasong is also available from Youtube at
or
http://asiapacific.anu.edu.au/newmandala/2010/07/18/reconciliation-thai-style/#comments
Update of the issue of 16 year old boy might be following coming days.
- Penseur21-
Campaign for the prisoned candidate, ‘same same’
Bangkok, July 24
“For the liberty of the people, the equality of the public, democracy in Thailand and for the world to know that Thai people hate injustice, vote number four — Korkaew,”
was read out by a member of the opposition Pheu Thai party at the stage in Suan Siam on July 23. It was a same message of SMS sent by Mr. Korkaew, the candidate of Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by election, from Bangkok Remand Prison. Mr.Korkaew Pikulthong has not been allowed to outdoor campaign nor accepted release on bail from the prison, where most of Red Shirts leaders have been held. Instead, the supporters – one can say all are Red Shirts - rallyed in giant number to show their support for this jailed candidate.
It was rather intesting to observe the gathering for the first time since the bloody crackdown of May 19, as the atmosphere of the rally was not much different from what the Red Shirts had appeared in their month long rally. Lots of vendors were selling various Red Shirts, CD or DVD of those bloody days and photos of their jailed leaders. Food stalls were never missing. – This is Thailand!- Absolute majority of those who were filled at front rows were women cheering with ‘feet clapping’ or ‘Red heart clapping’ stuff. Fellow journalists and I made a joke of this ‘same same’ rally. They effectively used the election campaign for their longing but suppressed rights to assemble. Why not?
There’s said to be a plan of ‘Red aerobic dance’ in Lumbini park, where aerobic dance in collective are often seen. Would the Red Shirts be disappeared by Emegency Decree or power wielding measures…?
Penseur21
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday's by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday's by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Except some MPs and leading figures on the stage, the atmosphere of the rally appeared to be 'same same' to what the Red Shirts rally had looked like (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Pheu Thai MP Mr. Jatuporn Prompen is one and only free leader out of dozens Red Shirts leaders, who have been either prisoned or fled.
A woman wearing Jatuporn-featured Red Shirts listens to the speaker of the stage. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong, who is one of the Red SHirts core leaders. The rally didn't much differ from the previous Red Shirts rally, reflecting resilience of Red Shirts. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
A Red Shirts women looks at the Red shirts paper, which featured the May 19 crackdown (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
- Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or “Siam Park”) on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Mr.Panich Viktsreth (right in the picture), the candidate for Democrats is 'exclusivley' enjoying his election campaign for sunday's by election as his prisoned competitor Mr. Korkaew has not been allowed to outdoor campaign nor accepted release on bail. There are critical voices questioning Pheu Thai party as to why the party nominated a 'terrorism charged and jailed-person' for its candidate. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Bangkok Remand Prison, from where Mr. Korkaew Pikulthong has been 'campaigning' such as sending SMS or hand-written message to voters. Foreign media is not allow to access the jailed candidate or other Red Shirts leaders who have been charges of terrorism and detained in the prison (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Reminiscence or Renaissance of ‘Red Zones’
Reportage from Red Shirts strong-hold North East, Thailand
By Lee Yu Kyung in Mukdahan, Khon Ken, Kalasin
Giggling or punky-styled youths are walking side by side with traffic jammed street in Bangkok. The Shoppers packed streets seem to match the broad sign of ‘Amazing Thailand Grand sale 2010’. ‘Amazing Thailand’ has returned to normal, at least in a street of Bangkok, thanks to the extended emergency decree which aims to prevent street protest.
There have been tireless efforts to castigate critical voices before and after the bloody crackdown on Red Shirts in May. The Center for the Resolution of Emergency (or CRES), the military-dominated institution dealing with the unrest, has shut down some 2,200 website deemed to be violating the Computor Crime Act since the State of Emergency imposed on April 7 this year, according to the International Crisis Group report on July 5.
In provinces, the authority seems to intensify royalist campaign following the crackdown. Some village heads in the country’s North East (or Isaan) have received two types of papers from the Ministry of Interior via district office. The first one is to collect signatures for what appeared to be royalist ‘oath’.
‘This person wants to show for their willingness to worship the Monarchy…to protect Monarchy to his or her life..,’ reads the oath.
“I was told to collect 300 signatures in my village, but I’m afraid I couldn’t because some villagers are actually reside in other area” said a village head in Kalasin province.
The signature campaign on the loyalty oath for the royal family has seemed to be launched in some village of Issarn. One of the campaigns was to organize a group to "implement" what was written in the paper, fearing Red Shirts supporets who were accused of being anti-monarchy despite their denial. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
To more burden him is another paper. It’s about ‘joining the Monarchy protection group’. While the written words are more or less same to the first one, he should ‘organize’ 20 people to ‘implement’ what the paper declares. The idea of organizing a group reminisce some kind of village militia. Villagers, many of whom are Red Shirts supporters, are disturbed, as they have been accused of being anti-monarchy despite their denial.
“We always respect our Monarchy. I don’t know why we should sign to this paper…” said Chuan (55, name changed), a chairperson of Tambon (or sub district) to which the village belongs to.
‘Royalist campaign’ intensified in provinces
Despite non-stop murmuring of ‘reconciliation’ by Prime Minister, a part of his ‘roadmap’ has been the other side, to persecute his critics. Besides detaining core leaders and hundreds protesters, more arrest warrants have been issued for 819 Red Shirts according to Matichon newspaper on June 10. 787 out of the total were from provinces.
Luen Sisupho (42), from Sakon Nakorn, is one of those hundreds on the run. He received a summons from police ordering him to turn in by May 25, otherwise arrest warrant would be issued against him. Luen, a local activist of Assembly of the Poor, has never voted for pro-Thaksin party. In fact, he has been distanced himself from Red Shirts until he started to join last March 12 this year.
Luen Sisupho (42), an activist for The Assembly of the Poor, was sommoned by police late May. Since then he's been one of a nearly thousand on the run, who are either summoned or wanted list by authority. Luen has distanced himself from Red Shirts until he started to joined this year (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
“I could no longer disagree with what Red Shirts were demanding. Dissolution of the house and new election are very democratic demands, aren’t they?” he asked.
“Government has lost hearts and minds of people, whereas Red Shirts have won more hearts. There will be more people who join the next protest, I bet” he argued.
Quite likely. There are signs the Red Shirt movement has been swelled by the government’s repression. Akkaradej Khankaew (22) from Kalasin province, who was one of six killed in the last sanctuary Pathuwanaram temple, is said to be the case. He has started to watch ‘P-Channel’, the mouth piece of Red Shirts, after Sonkran violence in 2009, said his aunt, the only family survived by him.
The room of Akkaradej Kahnkaew (22) who shot dead at the last sanctuary temple, Pathumwanaram. The famous picture of King waving his hand along with Queen was featured in the room. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
“Since the Sonkran incident, my nephew became interested in what’s going on in the country. We’ve joined the Bangkok protest together this year. I came home early April, but my nephew stayed there and finally got killed” said Intaracham Inphum (58) grieving aunt in her newphew’s room, room, which features a picture of the Thai king and queen.
Intaracham Inphum (58), a grieving aunt whose nephew was one of the six killed at the temple Pathumwanaram. She had been in Bangkok protest with his nephew Akkaradej Khankaew, but came back home April 3, while the nephew was in Bangkok till died. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
The region of Isaan, historically, has been the center of rebellion. It was here guerillas movement by Communist Party of Thailand (or CPT) was launched in 1965 and active till 80s. Nakorn Panom, Mukdahan, Kalasin and Sakorn Nakorn, which guerillas based-Pupan mountain overviews, were particularly strong hold those days. Communist insurgency, which occurred in various parts of the country, is now history. is now history. But the “Red Zones” from the communists struggle appear to have been revived by the Red Shirts movement
“If not communist, you had no friend those days”
Khitisak Posawant (58), once a communist now a Red Shirts in Pakchong village in Mukdahan province has said. He is proud of himself being in Bangkok protest to fight for democracy. Out of some 200 households of his village, nearly half of them have been to Bangkok for a protest.
“My generation is well aware about brutality of Thai armed forces, because of experience of communist era in the region” he added.
Khitisak Posawant (58), once communist now Red Shirts in Mukdahan province said he is proud of himself being in Bangkok protest to fight for democracy.(Photo by Yu K. Lee)
“Just trigger your gun, as soldiers in Bangkok did on May 19 during the crackdown…” said Yon Ngonsuk(57), another Red Shirts supporter from the same village. He wasn’t shy to talk about his past career involved in counter insurgency.
“We didn’t know who was communist or not. But we had to think all were communists in operation. It’s similar to the fact that Abhisit accused Red Shirts as terrorists without clarification” Yon said.
Yon had served for Volunteer Defense Corps (‘Kong Assa Rak Sa Dindaeng’ or ‘Or Saw’ in Thai), the biggest paramilitary forces, for nearly 20 years. However it was not his choice of wearing military uniform. He was arrested by armed forces at his age of 18, while helping communist guerrillas. His life since then shifted to the totally opposite side.
“We all Thai, love each other, not fight…”
The slogan Yon heard from his captors almost four decades ago was the same as that broadcast by army speakers to the Red Shirt camp in Bangkok during the crackdown.
“Initially, they didn’t say communists were bad, instead they said we were all Thai in love”
Such patriotic love disappeared, however, once soldiers got orders to shoot. Yon was instructed to shoot-to-kill anyone he came across on sight.
Yon Ngonsuk(57), Red Shirts supporter, had served for Volunteer Defense Corps (‘Kong Assa Rak Sa Dindaeng’ or ‘Or Saw’ in Thai), the biggest paramilitary forces established in 1954, for nearly 20 years decades ago. It was not his choice but he was forced to do after arrested by armed forces at his age of 18 in 1971, while helping communist guerrillas. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
He was discharged from the unit in the early ’90s and returned to normal life.
“Even though I had been with military for 20 years, I really hate the army this time seeing what they’ve done against protesters who ask democracy. I want to fight. Whenever there’s suppression, we want to fight more” Yon said.
Ironically, Isaan which is the poorest region in Thailand has produced numerous conscripts, who are often those whose education was terminated under the grade 9 (before junior high school). Such a fault line raises the possibility of a family tragedy — with conscript soldiers set against poor protesters from the same region.
Pravit (58, name changed), the red shirts supporter from Kalasin, spent uneasy days and nights during the months-long protest in Bangkok, where he had participated. It was not his fear of repression that disturbed him, but the chance of a violent confrontation with his youngest son, 22-year-old Thongchai. His son, like many sons of impoverished North and North-East, has been on military service as a conscript since last November.
Pravit was constantly contacting his son, whose normal duty was securing Suvarnaphumi airport, to find out if his unit would be dispatched anywhere near the protest site. In the end, Pravit returned home from Bangkok on April 7, before the bloody crackdown, without any clue of upcoming crackdown. He had planned to return to Bangkok, but didn’t dare to after deadly clashes on April 10, in which his son took part.
“It was just terrible to face off with people who might be my friends, neighbors or relatives. We were told to disperse protesters but I never expected such deadly consequence”
Sitting next to his father, 22 year old son Thongchai, on leave from service, said. He rarely discussed about the bloody day with his father.
Thongchai (22, name changed) a conscript soldier, was dispatched in Bangkok to crackdown Red Shirts protesters on April 10. It was 3 days before his Red Shirts father left Bangkok without any clue of upcoming crackdown. Thongchai said he will join Red Shirts protest after being discharged from the army (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
“I will join Red Shirts protest, if there would be another round after I discharge from military service. My friend did so as a Red Shirts guard after leaving the army” said, what people might call these days, ‘water melon soldier’.
‘Water melon’ soldier determined
The revived Red Zone, Isaan is expected to be a center for what will happen next. Extreme anger, confusion, hope and despair are mingled among Red Shirts, who are discussing about what they would do for next. Wearing red shirts in Sunday market is one of the ideas. Not to sell anything to soldiers is another idea. Some people, such as Panee Tamma (51), a teacher in Khon Ken province, await election, but doubting about ‘fair and free election’ at the same time. Some observers cautiously predict armed
insurgency, while International Crisis Group which recommended the emergency decree to be lifted, once warned that civil war could break out, if political resolution would not be brought in.
“There would be a low-intensity undeclared civil war. This could happen as Red Shirts in the countryside rise up, following the crackdown on the Red Shirts at Ratchaprasong. Thaksin might even create a government in exile”
Dr. Paul Chambers, the long time observer on Thai politics and military affairs, from Politics Institute of Heidelberg University has analyzed.
“There are many people here who would join underground movement or even armed insurgency if somebody would initiate…” said one Red Shirts supporter in Khon Ken province, who doesn’t want to be named.
Another supporter in Mukdahan, who wants not to be named as well, was pondering over when asked about armed insurgency and she said.
“I’m not sure if it could be similar to communist insurgency era. But yes, I can provide food and shelter for them”
No matter what type of movement appears, Red Shirts in provinces look forward to the next movers in continuing their struggle.
related reports at
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/44743
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/173799.isaan-thailands-rote-zone.html
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/27589.html
Amazing Thailand, the STATE of emergency
“Amazing Thailand Grand Sale 2010″
Big and splendorous board has been put up on skywalk through Rachaprasong intersection in Bangkok. The “80%” written on red ‘shopping bag’ on the board makes it certainly temptable to ‘buyers’, despite temptations contradict the reality behind the scene.
July, 2010 Rachaprasong, Bangkok (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
On July 6, the cabinet in Thailand has approved the extension of emergency decree in 19 provinces, which include many in North East (or Isaan), the Red Shirts’ heartland. The extension came a day after the Brussels based International Crisis Group think tank has recommended the government to immediately lift the decree and hold a fresh election for a genuine reconciliation. But the Prime Minister Abhisit Vejajiva blew off hopes for earlier elections weeks ago. It seems now ‘out of question’.
'Reconcilation' has become a hollow word in Thailand, the STATE of Emergency (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Some areas around Rachaprasong are hindered in passage due to reconstruction of shopping malls, which were burnt down by angry Red Shirts on May 19. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Meanwhile, the extension this time is not relevant to the troubled South such as Yala, Pattani and Narrathiwat, where the emergency decree has overshadowed routine life at all since July of 2005, when it replaced martial law under the Thaksin regime. The decree in the South has been ever since extended every three month by whosoever governments, that of course include Coup forces whice ousted the elected Prime Minister in 2006 and the incumbent Democrat-led coalition which has been persecuting the ousted Prime Minister wholeheartedly.
The whole developments of the decree reminds me of the time in 2008, when I interestingly noticed ‘two different state of emergencies’ in Bangkok and the South of Thailand.
In Bangkok, the deadly street battle between the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts in the early morning of September 2 2008 has led the then Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, the Red friendly Prime Minister who passed away last year, to declare state of emergency. But the Yellow protesters have mocked the decree by continuing their occupation of the government house and elsewhere. They eventually have ‘extended’ the occupation to the two main airports in late November, while the state of emergency was short-lived.
As state of emergency was declared by the former Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, who passed away in 2009, the army were deployed in Bangkok amid clashes between the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts on September 2, 2008. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
PAD, the Yellow Shirts have continued their occupation inside the government house on September 3 2008, despite the state of emergency was declared a day earlier. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Mr. Somsak Kosaisuk, one of the core PAD leaders on stage inside government house on September 9 2008, mockering the state of emergency declared by the then Red friendly government. He has become a new leader of New Politics, the political wing of PAD, on July 3 2010. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Virtually contrasted scene was observed in the South, where I had been in previous month, August of the year.
‘Apparently’ normal life didn’t looked disturbed, but fear and silent complaints are easily heard particularly in villages. During my stay in the South, I constatnly heard one word that sounded like ‘trakkut‘, which means ‘fear’ in Yawi, the local dialect of Malay language. People complaint about the army’s petrol in villages and intruding their houses, saying they hardly understood what army questioned them. Villagers in the South cannot understand thai lauguage well, which is not at all their mother tongue. There are victims of torture, families who lost their loved ones. There are places, where villager(s) found to be decapitated and the witness of the decapitated got shot dead days later he witnessed the decapitated in one particular case. I found 28 bullet marks at the scene, where the witness was targetted. No one has claimed responsibility of these all horrible acts and violences, including driving shooting, bomb blasts and decapitation, which is the most shuddering way of killing.
Having conversations with army personnels, including the spokesperson of Internal Security Operations Commands (or ISOC) as well as the detained suspect, I personally observed that the intelligence of security forces didn’t seem to be sophisticated enough to cope with ‘ghost’ guerrillas. In fact and crucially, there are different players causing violences, including various militia sponsored by the state as well as the security forces, let alone those ghost guerillas.
It seems few in Bangkok or other provinces bother the ‘state of emergency’ in the South, where almost daily violences haunt.
Some pictures which were taken back in 2008 are following.
- Penseur21 -
Thai national flag is waving on top of the central mosque in Pattani province in the South Thailand, where separatist movement remains unabated. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
The security forces are partolling the town of Pattani. August 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Buddist and muslim girls study together in Choairong school in Narrathiwat. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Students of Ponoh Dalot, the religious school in Pattani, has recalled of the day, 1st August when some 200 security forces has stormed the school in a military operation, killing one and arrested three. All four were said to be not students of the school. The operation has alienated locals from the authority. Pattani 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Nima Kaseng is a widow of Imam Yapa Kaseng, who was taken by security forces March 2008 without charge under the Emergency Decree, to be tortured to death. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
A 18-old boy was taken by security forces without charge under the Emergency Decree in March 2008. He's got water & beer torture. Security forces also used red pepper and sliced chilly to torture him. He was suffocated with plastic bag as well as kicked down. He was forced to admit he was a militant but released a month later as he was found to be innocent. "I was lucky to be alive" he said, adding “no feeling of revenge”. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Mr. Thira Minthrasak was a governor of Yala in August 2008. He was the only and ever muslim governor in the region as of visiting. He was replaced by the vice-governor Mr.Kritsada Bunrat in October 2009. Yala 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Paramilitary forces in the town of Yala provinces. Yala 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Bridging Thailand’s Deep Divide
Report by International Crisis Group
Bangkok/Brussels | 5 Jul 2010
The Thai government should immediately lift the state of emergency to create conditions for national reconciliation that would allow the building of a new political consensus and the holding of peaceful elections if the country is to return to stability.
Bridging Thailand’s Deep Divide , the latest report from the International Crisis Group, says the protracted tussle between the royalist establishment and those allied with ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has left the country deeply polarised. In April and May it sparked the most violent political confrontations in decades, killing at least 90 people, injuring nearly 2,000 and inflicting deep wounds on the national psyche. Shortly before authorising a violent crackdown on anti-government protestors by the army, the establishment-backed government of Abhisit Vejjajiva unilaterally offered to opposition groups a “roadmap” to national reconciliation. It now persists with this plan despite having created an atmosphere of repression where basic rights of the pro-Thaksin “Red Shirt” movement are denied by emergency laws.
“There is little prospect that genuine reconciliation will succeed when the offer comes from the same government directly responsible for the recent deadly crackdown on the Red Shirts and their ongoing repression”, says Jim Della-Giacoma, Crisis Group’s South East Asia Project Director. “The first gesture that might demonstrate a renewed commitment to building bridges would be to unconditionally and immediately lift the state of emergency”.
Empowered by the emergency decree imposed in 24 provinces – one third of the country – authorities have prohibited Red Shirts’ demonstrations, shut down their media, detained their leaders and banned financial transactions of their alleged financiers. Reconciliation when the government’s partners in resolving this conflict are on the run and denied their political rights is impossible. While the Red Shirts have no opportunity for open and peaceful expression because of draconian laws, their legitimate frustrations are being forced underground and possibly towards illegal and violent actions.
Establishing facts of the recent violence and holding perpetrators of the crimes on all sides accountable is another critical step on the road to reuniting the country. The Independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission headed by former attorney general Kanit na Nakhon should not only seek truth but also initiate prosecutions of those it finds to have committed violent acts. The government’s use of terrorism charges to go after Red Shirt leaders as well as Thaksin is inappropriate for what was mostly a peaceful political movement that did not target civilians. It is also short-sighted as these are the very people that will need to be brought into a national reconciliation process to address the difficult issues facing the country.
In the long run, Thailand needs to think deeply about much broader political reforms of its system of government, laws and constitution, including the role of the monarch and military. Wealth needs to be shared, justice delivered equitably, and power decentralised.
“An election that should be held as soon as possible will be the beginning and not the end of this process”, says Robert Templer, Crisis Group’s Asia Program Director. “Only a new government, with the legitimacy of a fresh mandate, if it is accepted by all sides, can move forward with such a complex reform agenda”.
for overview at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east-asia/thailand/192-bridging-thailands-deep-divide.aspx
listen the explanation by Jim, the S.E director at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/podcasts/thailand-bridging-the-divide.aspx
and full report in PDF at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/thailand/192%20Bridging%20Thailands%20Deep%20Divide.ashx
Thailand in Crisis – 6 – Hongsaton, Busbarat and Akarapongpisak: Thailand’s future
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6SbUfYbMdOI&feature=player_embedded
Isaan – Thailands »Rote Zone«
Der arme Nordosten des Landes ist die Hochburg der Rothemden, die Bangkoks Zentrum wochenlang besetzt hielten
Mit Gewalt ließ Thailands Regierung am 19. Mai eine Protestbewegung niederschlagen, die wochenlang das Bangkoker Geschäftsviertel Ratchaprasong besetzt hielt. Die Rothemden hatten den Rücktritt des nie demokratisch gewählten Regierungschefs Abhisit Vejjajiva gefordert. Den blutigen Auseinandersetzungen fielen mindestens 100 Menschen zum Opfer. Ein Großteil der »Roten« kam aus dem armen Nordosten des Landes.
Das befestigte Protestlager der Rothemden in Bangkok, das am 19. Mai vom Militär gestürmt wurde. Foto: Lee Yu Kyung
Der 58-jährige Pravit (Name geändert) durchlebte in Bangkok unruhige Tage und Nächte. Nicht dass er Angst vor einer gewaltsamen Auflösung des Protestlagers der Rothemden gehabt hätte oder dass ihm das Leben auf der Straße schwer gefallen wäre. Nein, er fürchtete einen Zusammenstoß mit seinem jüngsten Sohn. Wie viele junge Männer aus den armen Provinzen im Norden und Nordosten Thailands dient Pravits Sohn seit vergangenem November in der Armee. Während der Vater in Bangkok demonstrierte, bewachte der Wehrpflichtige den Flughafen Suvarnaphumi. Was wenn seine Einheit in die Nähe der Protestzone verlegt worden wäre? Das war Pravits größte Sorge.
Doch es kam nicht dazu. Am 7. April kehrte Pravit in seine Heimatprovinz Kalasin zurück. Isaan wird dieser Teil des Landes genannt, der aus 19 Provinzen besteht. Dass die Armee wenig später angreifen würde, ahnte Pravit damals noch nicht. Und nach der ersten tödlichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Rothemden und Militärs am 10. April, bei der sein Sohn eingesetzt wurde, wagte Pravit nicht, noch einmal nach Bangkok zu fahren.
»Es war einfach schrecklich, Menschen gegenüberzustehen, die meine Freunde sein könnten, meine Nachbarn oder Angehörigen. Man sagte uns, wir müssten die Demonstranten verjagen, aber ich hätte niemals solch tödliche Konsequenzen erwartet«, berichtet der 22-jährige Sohn, mit Spitznamen Thongchai, während er neben seinem Vater sitzt. Er hat zwei Wochen Heimaturlaub. Aber über jenen blutigen Tag diskutiert er mit Pravit kaum.
Zur Armee wird vor allem gezogen, wer seine Schulausbildung nicht abgeschlossen hat. Thailands ärmste Region liefert besonders viele Rekruten. Es ist eine Ironie des Schicksals, dass ein Großteil der Rothemden aus der gleichen Region kommt. Ohnehin gilt der Nordosten als rebellisch. Hier rief die Kommunistische Partei Thailands 1965 eine Guerillabewegung ins Leben, die bis in die frühen 80er Jahre aktiv war. Deren Aufstand ist Geschichte. Aber die einstigen »Roten Zonen« scheinen durch die Rothemdenbewegung wiederbelebt zu werden.
»Wer keinen Kommunisten zum Freund hatte, war in jenen Tagen ohne Freunde«, erinnert sich Khitisak Posawant in Pakchong, einem Dorf der Provinz Mukdahan. Längst hat er sich den Rothemden angeschlossen und ist stolz, an der großen Demonstration für Demokratie in Bangkok teilgenommen zu haben. Fast die Hälfte der 200 Haushalte im Dorf war in der Hauptstadt vertreten, und wer nicht dabei war, beteiligte sich an Aktionen in der Heimat. »Meine Generation weiß, wie brutal die Streitkräfte vorgehen. Wir haben da unsere Erfahrungen«, fügt der 58-Jährige hinzu. »Sie ziehen einfach am Abzug – wie am 19. Mai.«
»Alles Terroristen«
Yon Ngonsuk, auch er Anhänger der Rothemden, scheut sich nicht, über seine Geschichte zu sprechen: Er kämpfte einst gegen die Aufständischen. »Wir wussten nicht, wer Kommunist war und wer nicht. Uns wurde eingeredet, dass alle im Operationsgebiet Kommunisten seien. Ähnlich wie Abhisit jetzt alle Rothemden als Terroristen bezeichnet.« Yon diente damals im Freiwilligen-Verteidigungskorps, einer paramilitärischen Einheit. Freiwillig hatte er die Uniform jedoch nicht angezogen. Als 18-Jähriger war er verhaftet worden, weil er der Guerilla geholfen hatte. Danach verkehrte sich sein Leben ins Gegenteil.
»Wir alle sind Thailänder, wir lieben einander, wir wollen nicht gegeneinander kämpfen.« Die Parolen, die in den vergangenen Monaten überall dort aus Armeelautsprechern schallten, wo sich Streitkräfte und Rothemden gegenüberstanden, kennt Yon schon seit 40 Jahren. Die ihn damals verhafteten, sagten dasselbe. »Sie erklärten uns, dass wir doch alle Thailänder seien und einander lieben müssten.« Nachdem er zum Militärdienst gezwungen und einer Gehirnwäsche unterzogen worden war, musste er dennoch auf alles schießen, was in sein Sichtfeld kam. Erst in den frühen 90er Jahren kehrte er ins Zivilleben zurück.
»Obwohl ich 20 Jahre beim Militär verbracht habe, hasse ich die Soldaten, wenn ich sehe, wie sie gegen Demonstranten vorgehen, die nur nach Demokratie verlangen«, sagt Yon heute.
Ein Monat ist seit der Niederschlagung des Rothemdenprotests am 19. Mai vergangen. Das Land bleibt gespalten. Zwar spricht Premierminister Abhisit ständig von »Versöhnung«, doch die Taten seiner Regierung schließen Versöhnung aus. Der ehemalige Generalstaatsanwalt Kanit Na Nakorn wurde beauftragt, ein unabhängiges Komitee zu bilden, das den Tod so vieler Menschen untersuchen soll. An der Unabhängigkeit Kanits, der sich sehr freundlich gegenüber der Regierung gezeigt hat, bestehen indes erhebliche Zweifel.
Khitisak Posawant ist stolz darauf, dass er in der Hauptstadt für die Demokratie gekämpft hat. (Foto : Lee Yu Kyung)
Intaracham Inphum trauert um ihren ermordeten Neffen. Foto: Lee Yu Kyung
Die Hoffnung auf baldige Neuwahlen, das Ziel der Rothemden, hat Abhisit zunichte gemacht. Es gibt keinerlei Anzeichen für eine Lockerung der Kontrolle über die Medien. Das Krisenzentrum CRES, vom Militär beherrscht, blockiert 2200 Internet-Seiten und behauptet, darauf sei während des Ausnahmezustands gegen das Strafgesetz verstoßen worden. Einem Polizeibericht zufolge, der auf Druck von Menschenrechtsgruppen veröffentlicht wurde, hat die Armee nach dem 19. Mai über 400 Menschen inhaftiert. Die meisten Anführer der Proteste werden wegen Terrorismus angeklagt, was in Thailand mit der Todesstrafe geahndet werden kann. Menschenrechtsgruppen befürchten, dass mindestens 100 Personen »verschwunden« bleiben. Die Zeitung »Matichon« berichtete am 10. Juni, dass weitere 819 Haftbefehle erlassen wurden.
Luen Sisupho aus der Provinz Sakon Nakon gehört zu jenen, die sich verbergen. Er erhielt eine Aufforderung, sich am 25. Mai bei der Polizei zu melden, anderenfalls ergehe Haftbefehl. Daraufhin schickte er der Polizei ein Fax mit der Bitte um Verlängerung der Frist bis zum 7. Juni – ohne eine Antwort zu erhalten. Luen ist Aktivist der Vereinigung der Armen, Thailands bekanntester Nichtregierungsorganisation. Er hatte nie für eine der »roten« Parteien des 2006 durch einen Putsch gestürzten Premiers Thaksin Shinawatra gestimmt und sich immer von den Rothemden fern gehalten – bis er sich im März ihren Demonstrationen anschloss. »Wie könnte ich nicht mit den Zielen der Rothemden, der Forderung nach Auflösung des Parlaments und Neuwahlen übereinstimmen. Das ist eine demokratische Forderung, oder nicht?« fragt er.
Vieles deutet darauf hin, dass die Niederschlagung der Proteste deren Anwachsen zur Folge haben wird. So war es schon 2009 nach Ausschreitungen während des Neujahrsfestes Songkran. Der 22-jährige Akkaradej Khankaew, der im Mai im vermeintlich sicheren Pathuwanaram-Tempel im Zentrum Bangkoks getötet wurde, begann damals, »People’s Channel« zu sehen, den Fernsehkanal der Rothemden. »Mein Neffe wollte erfahren, was in diesem Land vor sich geht«, erinnert sich seine Tante Intaracham Inphum. »Wir haben gemeinsam die Proteste in Bangkok besucht. Während ich wieder nach Hause gefahren bin, blieb er – und wurde getötet«, klagt die Tante und betrachtet im Zimmer ihres Neffen das in Thailand allgegenwärtige Bild des Königspaares.
Ende Mai begann in den Isaan-Dörfern eine Kampagne »zum Schutz der Monarchie«. Die Dorfvorstände wurden vom Innenministerium angewiesen, Unterschriften zu sammeln. Die Dörfler sollen ihrem Willen »zur Verehrung der Monarchie« und zur »Verteidigung der Monarchie mit ihrem Leben« Ausdruck geben. »300 Unterschriften soll ich im Dorf sammeln, doch ich fürchte, dass ich das nicht schaffe, denn einige der etwa 500 Dorfbewohner leben derzeit außerhalb«, erklärt ein Dorfvorsteher in der Provinz Kalasin. »Wir organisieren große Feierlichkeiten zu jedem Geburtstag des Königs und beweisen unseren höchsten Respekt. Ich verstehe nicht, warum wir dieses Manifest unterschreiben sollen, das nichts Neues enthält«, sagt ein anderer
Noch schwerer bedrückt den Dorfvorstand eine zweite Anweisung. 20 Dorfbewohner sollen einer »Gruppe zum Schutz der Monarchie« beitreten. Das erinnert viele an die früheren paramilitärischen Dorfgruppen.
Vor neuer Machtprobe?
Kommt es im Isaan zu einer neuen Machtprobe? Wut und Verzweiflung mischen sich in die Gefühle der Rothemden, die darüber diskutieren, was zu tun ist. Sollte man beim Besuch des Sonntagsmarkts demonstrativ rote Hemden tragen? Oder nichts mehr an Soldaten verkaufen? Die Lehrerin Panee Tamma aus der Provinz Khon Kaen setzt auf künftige Wahlen, bezweifelt aber, dass sie »fair und gerecht« verlaufen.
Die International Crisis Group (ICG) warnt davor, dass ein Bürgerkrieg ausbrechen könnte, sollte keine politische Lösung für die dem Konflikt zu Grunde liegende sozialen Spaltung und die massiven Demokratiedefizite angeboten werden. »Es gibt viele Menschen hier, die einer Untergrundbewegung beitreten und selbst bei einem bewaffneten Aufstand mitmachen würden, wenn ihn denn nur jemand lostritt«, sagt ein Anhänger der Rothemden, der verständlicherweise seinen Namen nicht nennen will.
Published by Neues Deutschland at
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/173799.isaan-thailands-rote-zone.html
부활한 타이의 ‘레드존’
[2010.06.25 제816호]
‘레드 셔츠’의 본거지 이산을 가다… 공산 게릴라의 전통을 품은 타이 동북부에서 살아난 붉은 기운
» 이산에는 레드를 지지하지 않는 사람이 거의 없을 정도다. 키티삭 포사왕처럼 과거에 타이공산당에 몸담았다가 레드 세력이 된 사람이 적잖다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
6월4일 찾아간 어둑한 방 안에는 여느 타이 가정집과 마찬가지로 푸미폰 국왕 부부의 사진이 걸려 있었다. 주인 잃은 방은 단정했고, 가운데 놓인 선풍기가 여전히 사람 사는 집인 듯한 착각을 자아냈다. 타이 동북부 깐라신 지방에 자리잡은 이 민가는 지난 5월19일 방콕에서 타이 정부군의 ‘레드 셔츠’ 시위대 진압 당시 사망한 아카라데 깐 게우(22)가 살던 집이다.
“어머니는 10년 전 에이즈로 사망하고, 2년 전에는 함께 살던 할머니마저 세상을 뜬 뒤 녀석 혼자 지냈어. 내가 옆집에 살면서 끼니를 챙겨줬지….” 이모 인타라참 인풍(58)은 목이 메고 눈물이 글썽거렸다. 지난해 4월 시위대를 폭력으로 진압한 송끄란 유혈 사태를 계기로 레드 셔츠에 관심을 갖기 시작한 아카라데는 방콕의 레드 셔츠 시위에 참여하면서도 주로 의료 텐트에서 자원봉사를 했다. “몸집이 작아 사수대 같은 건 못한다”는 게 이모의 말이다.
사원에서 저격당한 ‘레드 청년’
지난 5월19일, 진압이 시작되자 아카라데는 마지막 피난처 빠툼와나람 사원으로 피신했다. 그리고 생을 마감했다. 이틀 뒤 장례식에 참석한 한 목격자는 그가 저격수의 총을 맞은 간호사를 도우려다 총에 맞았다고 했다. 간호사 역시 앞서 총탄에 맞은 이들을 돕다가 저격당한 것으로 알려졌다. 총 맞은 이들과 손 내미는 이들의 피로 ‘붉은 사원’이 돼버린 빠툼와나람 사원의 총격 사건은 5월19일 유혈 진압의 가장 큰 논란으로 남았다.
사원 총격의 공포를 고스란히 안고 눈물로 레드 셔츠가 회군한 지 보름이 지난 뒤에야 기자는 그들의 뒤를 밟았다. 레드 시위대 다수가 돌아간 타이 북동부 ‘이산’ 지방으로 향했다. 이산은 타이 인구 3분의 1에 달하는 약 2천만 명이 거주하는 타이에서 가장 가난한 동네다. 농촌이 대부분인 이 지역은 인접한 라오스 말과 가까운 방언을 쓰고, 라오스 수도 비엔티안을 또 다른 수도로 여길 만큼 독특한 정체성을 유지하고 있다.
“민간 자본이 영세한 이산은 정부 정책이나 프로젝트에 큰 영향을 받을 수밖에 없다.” 타이 시골 지역을 연구해온 앤드루 와커 오스트레일리아 국립대 박사는 이산 주민들이 시국과 정부정책에 유독 민감한 배경을 그렇게 설명한다. 탁신 전 총리의 ‘30밧 의료정책’은 물론 ‘100만밧 마을기금’ 등의 정책이 상대적 빈곤과 소외 속에 살아온 이산 주민에게 획기적으로 와닿은 배경이다. 이렇게 이산은 인구의 절대다수가 레드 셔츠 지지자인 ‘레드존’이 되었다. 그리고 이들은 방콕의 엘리트가 중심이 된 ‘옐로 셔츠’와 대비되는 세력이다.
가난한 붉은 지역, 이산
» 타이는 가난한 농촌지대인 동북부(이산)와 북부, 방콕이 있는 부유한 중부, 무슬림이 일부 거주하는 남부로 나뉜다. 짙은 붉은색으로 표시된 동북부에 레드 지지세가 가장 강하고, 옅은 붉은색의 북부가 그다음 강하다. 중부와 남부엔 현 집권 세력 지지가 강하다.
이산의 푸판 산맥은 1970~80년대 타이공산당(CPT·80년대 중반 이후 쇠퇴해 사멸) 게릴라가 넘나들던 곳이다. 베트남과 라오스에 이어지던 공산화 도미노의 영향에 CPT 게릴라의 본거지 푸판 산맥까지 있어서 사꼰나콘, 깐라신, 묵다한 등 동북부 지방은 예전부터 ‘붉은’ 기운이 강했다. 이 지역 사람들이 올해 방콕 중심가를 두 달 넘게 점거한 주역이다. 묵다한 지방 빡총 마을 전체 200여 가구 중 절반 이상이 방콕 시위 현장을 다녀갔다. 과거에는 베트남전을 치르는 미군의 군사기지로 활용돼 공산 게릴라가 얼씬하기 힘들었던 이산의 중심도시 콘깬과 우돈타니도 지금은 붉디붉은 ‘레드존’이다. 콘깬 지역의 한 레드 셔츠 지지자는 콘깬 주민의 약 70%가 레드 셔츠라고 자신했다. 아이러니하게도 고등교육을 받지 못한 빈곤 지역 젊은이들이 주로 징집 대상이 되는 타이의 징병제 아래서, 진압에 동원된 군인 중에도 이산 출신이 많다.
“방콕에 있는 동안 아들과 수시로 통화하고, 위치를 확인하고… 심지어 부대를 도망쳐나올 수 있는지 물었다.” 깐라신 지방 출신 프라윗(58·가명)은 4월7일 방콕 시위현장에서 집으로 돌아오지 않았다면 사흘 뒤 방콕에서 유혈 진압에 투입된 군인 아들과 조우할 뻔했다. 그날 이후 프라윗은 차마 방콕으로 되돌아가지 못했다. “M16, 고무 총탄, 실탄 같은 건 하사관 이상에게만 지급됐고 우린 방탄복, 방패 그리고 몽둥이밖에 없었다. 진압 당시 맨 앞줄에 배치된 건 우리 사병들이다.” 군에서 휴가를 받아 집에 머물고 있던 통차이(22·가명)도 조심스레 입을 열었다. 그는 논란이 돼온 실탄 사용과 발사 여부, 발사 각도와 관련해 상부의 명령 없이 살상을 노리는 각도로 실탄을 쏘는 것은 불가능하다고 단언했다. 통차이는 “군복무를 마친 친구 한 명도 레드 셔츠 사수대를 했다”며 “군복무를 마친 뒤 레드 셔츠 시위가 재개된다면 기꺼이 참가하겠다”고 말했다. 그는 군복을 입고 진압에 ‘끌려’나왔지만, 속은 시위대와 같이 붉은 전형적인 ‘수박 병사’였다.
한편 시위 진압 뒤 평온을 찾은 듯 보이는 타이의 뒷마당에선 레드 셔츠 활동가를 포함한 반정부 인사의 검거와 체포가 이어지고 있다. 더구나 나날이 심해지는 미디어 검열로 가히 ‘공안 정국’의 그림자가 드리워져 있다. 레드 셔츠 핵심 지도부는 최소 3년형에서 사형까지 당할 수 있는 ‘테러리즘죄’로 수감 중이고, 이산의 코랏 지역에서는 4월9일 밤 레드 셔츠 현지 지도부 콩 케우(24)가 괴한의 총을 맞아 죽었다. 인권단체가 시위 진압 이후 100여 명이 실종됐다고 주장하는 가운데 타이 일간지 <마띠촌> 6월10일치는, 지난 두 달여간 비상사태령 위반으로 85명이 연행되고 형법 위반으로 819명에게 체포영장이 발부됐다고 전했다. 이 중 787명이 지방 출신이다.
이산의 사꼰나콘 지역 출신 르완 시수포(46)도 검거를 피해 거처를 옮겨다니는 수백 명의 레드 셔츠 중 한 명이다. 그는 5월25일까지 경찰에 출두하라는 소환장을 받았고, 6월7일까지 소환 날짜를 연기해줄 것을 요청했지만 별다른 답을 얻지 못했다. 단 한 번도 친탁신 정당에 투표한 적이 없다는 그는 레드 셔츠 운동과 거리를 유지해오다 3월12일 재개된 시위 때부터 동참했다. 레드 셔츠의 ‘의회 해산과 민주적 선거’ 요구가 너무나 정당했기 때문이란다. 르완은 “정부는 주민의 마음을 잃었고, 레드 셔츠는 그 마음을 얻었다. 다음 시위엔 더 많은 이가 모여들 것이다”라고 확신했다.
» 방콕의 레드 셔츠 진압 당시 빠툼와나람 사원으로 피신했다 숨진 아카라데 깐 게우의 집에는 푸미폰 국왕 부부의 사진이 걸려 있다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
저강도 내전으로 이어질 전망도
패배감과 혼란도 있지만, 이산에서는 ‘다음’에 대한 토론이 한창이다. 일요일에 여는 시장에서 붉은 셔츠 입기, 군인에게 물건 팔지 않기 같은 소박한 실천방안이 논의되는가 하면, 콘깬 지방에서 교사로 일하는 파니 탐마(51) 같은 이는 선거를 기다리고 있다. 하지만 그는 “그 선거가 공정할지 의심스럽다”고 우려한다. 좀더 과격한 충돌 양상을 점치는 전문가도 있다. 풀 챔버 박사(독일 하이델버그 정치학회 회원)는 올해 시위에 출몰해 정부군 사령관을 저격한 ‘블랙 셔츠’(군 내부의 레드 지지 세력으로 짐작됨) 등을 중심으로 “선포되지 않은 저강도 내전”이 지방에서부터 발생할 가능성을 배제하지 않는다. 실제로 이산 지방에는 “탄압이 계속되고 지하운동이나 무장조직이 조직되면 동참할 사람은 널려 있다”거나 “(반군에) 먹을거리와 피난처 정도는 제공할 수 있다”고 말하는 이가 적지 않다. 전 CPT 출신 레드 셔츠들은 “이 땅에선 비폭력 투쟁이 먹히지 않는다”는 푸념을 털어놓고 있다고 일부 주민들이 귀띔해주었다. 부활한 레드존에 반란의 기운이 조금씩 솟아오르고 있다. 2009년 송끄란 유혈 진압 사태에 분노해 2010년 방콕 거리로 나선 이가 더욱 많았다는 점은 시사하는 바가 크다.
|
|
묵다한·깐라신·콘깬(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
published by <HanKyoReh21>
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/27589.html
The Rageh Omaar Report – Thailand: A Year of Living Dangerously
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=63kIxVYhUYE
Thailand in Crisis – 3 – Hilary Charlesworth, Tyrell Haberkorn on human rights
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eL-jWO8di44&feature=player_embedded
Thailand in Crisis – 2 – Crackdown on the Red Shirts and who killed Seh Daeng?
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G94uSuQxSA0&feature=player_embedded
Video from CNN.What really happened in Bangkok. june 1. 2010.
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E-tbW5grcdQ
Red Uprising through Dark Ages
By Lee Yu Kyung in Bangkok
“I’m afraid honestly. But I don’t want to go home, leaving thousands fellow Red Shirts behind, who are fighting for democracy”
A 53 year old woman from Chaiyaphum province has said, sitting at Pathumwanaram temple on May 17. There were hundreds more Red Shirts protesters inside the temple, the wishful sanctuary to avoid possible army assault, as the government has given the protesters ‘3 pm ultimatum’ for leaving the protest site.
Red Shirts at Rachaprasong, the main protest site in Bangkok (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
However temple is located in the middle of Red Shirts occupied territory in central Bangkok. No much safe if army would move in. There were some 4,000 or 5,000 protesters, among who were women, elders and children in majority at the main rally site of Rajaprasong and surrounding area within some 5 sq km. If not leaving the area to the ultimatum, they were warned to be in jail for 2 years, let alone risking their lives.
‘Warfare’ launched in Bangkok
It came true indeed two days later. The protesters scattered area, including the sanctuary temple site, has been under fire since the army reached at Saladaeng intersection, the southern barricade of Red territory early morning on May 19. The armed forces have advanced their path, triggering M16 towards protesters who were resisting mainly with primitive weapons, such as stones, sharpen bamboo sticks, sling shots and Molotov cocktail. There were allegations about shooting back from protesters side. Nevertheless protesters were absolutely out powered by armored vehicles and automatic weapons of armed forces who apparently did ‘shoot on sight’ mission.
A protester fires a sling shot, which is favorite 'weapon' by Red Shirts protesters, at BonKai (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Around 10 am, a few hundred protesters were again gathering several hundred meters away from Saladaeng intersection on west Rama V road. Yet, they embraced gun fire as well, as soldiers were using telescope, spot them and running fire after short shouting ‘Okbai’, which means ‘get out’ in Thai. In the last sanctuary of temple site, six people including one woman paramedic, were shot dead in the evening by possibly snipers who have been positioned in a high stance according to witnesses.
“It was a massacre and there was some brutality” said Dr. Paul Chamber, a senior research fellow of Political Institute in Heidelberg University. “The violence was not just on the government side” added the expert on Thai politics. He analyzed the latest military operation was carefully planned out comparing to the one of April 10, involving siege tactics.
True. The siege tactics have been major part of the latest operation on Red Shirts from May 13, the day when the former general Khattiya Swastipon, the vivid supporter of Red Shirts, was shot to be fatally injured. He died afterwards. Yet, it was not this incident which provoked fierce resistance by Red Shirts in different locations of the city. It was a seize tactic of the Red territory that led to blockade on protesters who could not be able to join the main site as a result of blockade, along with cut off basic supplies.
The first omen of eruption of fighting came as gun fire near Lumbini Park at night of 13. Hundred protesters who were stranded near Bon Kai were targeted in the fire and one protester was killed. Since then, parts of city, notably Din Daeng where lots of working class resides and Bon Kai (or Klong Toey) where biggest slum is, have turned to be either ghost town or battlefield. Even if the authority designated these areas ‘live fire zone’, defiance of Red Shirts has been further spilled over to Rankamhaeng, the last stand in May Uprising of 1992 as well as Reds strong hold Ladprao.
BonKai at Rama 4 road has been one of the heavist fighting zones since May 13. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Protester at Din Daeng, one of the heavist fighting zones since May 13. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
There have been reports about small skirmishes in provinces. The country now seemed to be heading broader resistance against the army backed government and their assault on popular movement. Some described it as ‘undeclared-civil war’.
“I cannot bear this government, which has used weapons against unarmed protesters. Look, we have no weapons in our hands except those things – rocks and tires – That’s why I came here”, said Pairoj Thanomthan (41), salesman from Bang Na district, who travelled long kilometers to Din Daeng to join protest on May 16, despite much of transport has been stopped.
To the Red frontlines in both Din Daeng and Bon Kai, tires were endlessly brought to be burned. In a bit surprising, the primitive ‘weapons’ are somehow effective to reduce death toll, which has been rising though, as protesters were hiding themselves from bullets in black smokes. No one at the army side has been killed or hurt by Reds’ weapons until the full out operation was launched on May 19.
A red shirts protester shot in his head to death on May 19 near Saladaeng Intersection. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Several soldiers were injured as grenade attack took place in Lumbini park on May 19 while the army's crackdown on Red Shirts protesters were under way (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
The first injury on army side took place when M79 fired grenade fell near Lumbini Park between 1 – 2 pm of May 19. Four soldiers and one journalist were injured in this attack. This is the time right after a heavy gun fire between armed forces and the presumably same elements of ‘the men in black clad’ of April 10 or ‘hardcore Red Shirts’ as some media portrayed. However it was difficult to tell who exactly were firing all the bullets. During the heavy gun fire followed by grenade attacks, most of journalists on the ground -except few – choosed to fall down on the floor as the fire sounds were so heavy.
Weeks passed since the darkest day in Thai history. Bloody streets have been cleaned up by groups of gaggling Bangkokians during the first weekend after the crackdown. Normalcy was back to the city, the government has claimed. Yet a lot of things remain just murky, particularly ‘men in black clad’ at Red side and ‘snipers’ at most likely army side, among whom were supposed to be culprits on mass killing at temple in the evening of May 19 as well as several deaths of civilians.
Saladaeng barricade set up by Red Shirts has been bulldozed. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Moreoever the event of bloody crackdown has addressed nothing, but caused further rebellion sentiment among Red Shirts movement. Despite the leaders’ surrender, ordinary protesters were still on defiant mood. Whereas the authority has attracted broader criticism for gagging the press and heavy-hand measures on opponents, including the days-long detention of the respected historian Suthachai Yimprasert without charge before releasing him on Tuesday. There are reportedly at least dozens of missing protesters after military operation. Some Red Shirts ‘prisoners’, who were blindfolded and whose hands were tied behind were taken in a police vehicle from Sarasin intersection to somewhere on May 19. Yet the authority has refused to reveal basic informations about the detainees, creating ‘black out’ of the missing and detainees alike.
Deadly crashed but defiant
Red Shirts, who are mainly from rural poor and urban working class, is said to be a byproduct of 2006 military coup. As pro-democracy, anti-coup activists and progressive elements have handed with the movement, however, it has been developed as a popular people’s movement, which was never seen in Thai history. They have radio stations and magazines and Red political school. Whether their struggle against military-backed regime would eventually bring the democratic election or not could be a turning point for democratization of Thailand, which has faced huge setback by the 2006 military coup.
“It’s not necessarily a class division or even class war to the Marxist terms, as lots of middle class, intellectuals and some business sectors joined the Red movement too. You can say, all walks of lives have been joining now Red Shirts”
Sarite Klamapibun(38), lecturer of ‘democracy and human rights’ in Mehidol university has observed the Red Shirt movement.
“Ruling elites in this country never conceded their privileged power, ignoring the rural poor as like second class. Their votes have been ignored by military coup and royalists’ protest. What Red Shirts demand is a democratic rights. We, student activists are with Reds now. Thailand needs change” said Anuthee Dejthevaporn (22), secretary general of Student Federation of Thailand (or SFT). He, himself, has had political conflict with his family, who are mostly side with royalists yellow.
Just days before the latest assault launched, the PAD has renewed its long-time demand of martial law to clear off Red Shirts protest. International community, including International Crisis Group, the neutral think tank based in Brussel, has already warned that the civil war in Thailand could break out, if not political solution immediately brought in. As for leaders of Red Shirts, they have demanded the UN-mediated talks with the government since May 15. On May 18, there was a short-lived hope for negotiation in the morning. But the government rejected it afternoon, leading tension to finally full out operation next morning.
Bloody crackdown on Red Shirts shed more shadow on Thailand. The country has been through 'Dark Age' with severe restriction on freedom of expression and heavy hand on protesters. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“In democratic countries, when there is a crisis, dissolving parliament and calling elections is a normal way to defuse serious tension” said Ji Unpakorn, the outspoken Thai critic, who’s been exiled in England. “If the government dissolved parliament, announced fresh elections and ordered a cease fire, the violence would end immediately and Red Shirts would all go home” he argued.
The early election might defuse the imminent tension to avoid unnecessary loss of life. It has been questioned by many, however, if the new election would resolve the conflict fundamentally, as the royalists Yellow Shirts backed by the powerful ruling elites and army would be likely to defy again the election result, which many do not doubt is Red sides’ win. The yellow shirted PAD has once vaguely framed ‘Thai style democracy’, in which they argue educated aristocratic ruler is better fit for Thai society, not what they called the ‘western style democracy’.
To challenge ‘Thai style democracy’ and repeating ignorance of their votes by ruling elites, Red Shirts, who were just been crashed once again though, is likely to wage another popular uprising in the future. Otherwise low-intensifed guerillas warfare is also expected by some experts. Thailand, no more land of smile, stands at now the crossroad of being towards democracy or civil war after unsettling event of black but ever bloody May in 2010.
Related article at
http://mygreennews.com/topics/politics/pol_Thailand_Red_Uprising_through_Dark_Age_1.htm
Recent Comments