SRI LANKA: COURT ORDERS CLOSURE OF LANK-A-ENEWS WEBSITE
URGENT ALERT
2011 April 28 | 14:35 GMT
Is the report of the UNSG’s panel of experts a conspiracy and obstacle to reconciliation?
The following is the statement issued by a ‘Group of concerned Christians’, among whom are mostly Catholic priests on their signatures, responding to the ‘leaked’ report of the panel of experts of the UN Secretary General regarding to the war in Sri Lanka. The statement goes on to say :
“Our reflections have been hampered by the fact that the Sri Lankan government and the UNSG is not allowing us, Sri Lankan citizens to read the full report that deals with a critical and tragic part of our history. We are disappointed that after almost two weeks, and after several promises being made, the UNSG had not extended the same courtesy that he had deemed fit to extend to the Sri Lankan government (one of the parties implicated in the horrific crimes mentioned in the report)…”
“We regret that the Sri Lankan government has even resorted to requesting the UNSG to withhold the report from Sri Lankan people. Thus, our reflections are based on the parts of the report that is claimed to have been “leaked” and published in the media…”
It is highly fishy that even the religious leaders and sorts, who have been little shy to be outspoken about human rights violations in the country, who have cared of war victims and who must have made utmost efforts to access to the report, had not been allowed to the full report. Whereas the UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon has reportedly said he lacks personal authority to order a probe into the massacre. Mulling over, for instance, the case of Libya where ‘humanitarian intervention’ has been operating under the ‘confusing & controversial’ UN resolution 1973, ‘HYPOCRISY’ is the word.
Meanwhile, the full report by UNSG’s panel of experts is available here
My photo story on Sri Lanka’s war survivals, ‘Witness of the War Without Witness (WWWW)’ is here
- Penseur21 -
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Group of concerned Christians
25th April 2011
In the past weeks, we as Christians have been reflecting on the torture, killing of Jesus by the rulers of that time, with complicity of high priests of the time, due to Jesus’s efforts to stand by the poor and oppressed and bring them good news of liberation. Our reflections had been taking into account the situation in our country today and we had noted the controversy surrounding the report of the panel of experts of the UN Secretary General related to the war in Sri Lanka.
But our reflections have been hampered by the fact that the Sri Lankan government and the UNSG is not allowing us, Sri Lankan citizens to read the full report that deals with a critical and tragic part of our history. We are disappointed that after almost two weeks, and after several promises being made, the UNSG had not extended the same courtesy that he had deemed fit to extend to the Sri Lankan government (one of the parties implicated in the horrific crimes mentioned in the report) to victims whose stories are told, their families and those who risked their lives and shared their stories and information.
We regret that the Sri Lankan government has even resorted to requesting the UNSG to withhold the report from Sri Lankan people. Thus, our reflections are based on the parts of the report that is claimed to have been “leaked” and published in the media.
During the last phase of the war, particularly from Jan. – May 2009, and till today, religious leaders, government servants, humanitarian workers, doctors, farmers, fisherfolk, housewives, teachers, traders, students etc. from the North, particularly the Vanni have been telling us about shelling, artillery fire, multi barrel rocket launchers etc. that had killed close family members and friends, others they didn’t know, caused people to lose hands, legs and caused other serious injuries.
We had met in hospitals, detention camps and in their homes, those who survived with injuries and many who still have pieces of shells in their bodies. These people had told us about a Catholic priest and LTTE members who had surrendered to the Sri Lankan Army and were never seen again and how they saw some such surrendees shot in cold blood by the Army. We had received desperate calls, emails and messages about how the government repeatedly shelled the no fire zones that it asked civilians to take shelter, how hospitals and food distribution centers were attacked when their locations were known and clearly marked and about people being killed and injured in these places and in bunkers they had dug with bare hands.
We had been told about surgeries done without anesthesia, amputations with ordinary knives, refusal by the government to send in much needed medical supplies and food despite repeated requests. We have been told about how the LTTE took cover behind civilians to fire at the advancing Army. How the LTTE had tried to prevent civilians from fleeing the war zone and how they had shot at people when they defied the LTTE and tried to flee in desperation.
We had met people including children, who had been forcibly conscripted by the LTTE and tried hard to escape and we had met parents who had their young children conscripted and tried hard to hide them. We were also told about the disappointment and frustration when international staff of humanitarian agencies left the Vanni on orders of the government despite desperate pleas and protests from the people of Vanni and how the LTTE refused to give permission for Sri Lankan staff of humanitarian agencies to leave the war zone with their families when their international counter parts left on orders of the government.
We had heard words of appreciation for the courage and dedication of the doctors that served to the end in war zone and made desperate appeals on behalf of suffering people, humanitarian workers and government officials that provided life saving assistance, ICRC staff that evacuated thousands of people who were sick and injured and ferried much needed food supplies, religious leaders that remained with people to the end and individual soldiers of the Sri Lankan Army who had cared and helped some of the injured, sick and hungry when they escaped the LTTE and came to government controlled areas.
After the end of the war, we met families of people who disappeared from closely guarded hospitals and detention camps where internally displaced persons were detained by the government. Many people we had met have told us how they themselves or their family members were kept in detention without access to lawyers and ICRC, on allegations of being part of the LTTE. Some of them had indeed been in the LTTE, some forcibly conscripted, and others had joined voluntarily.
Some had been involved in varying degrees in armed combat while others had been performing administrative and civil functions in the LTTE administration such as cooking, driving. Some of these people have told us how they were tortured, showed us scars and how they continue to suffer from these. Some complained about their family members who continue to be in detention without any charges.
Others who we had met after being released, have narrated how they have been told to get permission to leave their village, had been photographed, are being visited often in their homes, had been summoned to camps and interrogated etc.
Mothers recounted threats from the Army to bring back children who had gone to India after being formally released. Religious leaders have told us how the Army had prevented and even threatened them when they tried to organize religious events for civilians killed and disappeared, how monuments for dead Tamil militants were destroyed by the Army and how they were threatened when they tried to put up a simple memorial for those killed and had no burial place.
Community leaders and humanitarian workers have told us about the restrictions on humanitarian assistance, freedom of assembly, freedom of association and freedom of expression in the North.
Many such stories have been shared by Vanni people, particularly families of those directly affected, during hearings of the government appointed Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) in the North. Such stories are also reflected in the submissions to the LLRC by the Catholic Bishops Conference of Sri Lanka and Church of Ceylon and Church leaders from the North such as the Catholic Bishop of Mannar and the Jaffna Diocesan Laity Council.
But it is our regret that with a few exceptions such as above, almost two years since the end of the war, we Sri Lankans have failed to tell and listen to these stories of our brothers and sisters and that most of our media have refused to publish these stories. Despite our own efforts to retell the stories people had narrated to us, it is our regret that we ourselves have not been able to do so to the extent we would have liked to.
We also recognize that many who would have liked to retell these stories have refrained from doing so out of fear of reprisals. And we salute the few individuals, groups and media that have had the courage to share some of these stories.
We also know that some concerned individuals and groups submitted their testimonies, eye witness accounts etc. to the panel of experts of the UNSG. Now, we find that these are the stories reflected and retold in the parts of the report by the panel of experts of the UNSG that had been leaked and published in the media. We fail to understand how retelling the stories of our brothers and sisters, Sri Lankan citizens, who had suffered so much and lost so much, can be a conspiracy against Sri Lanka.
We recognize that different opinions exist about the motivation for this report and that there are similar or more horrific crimes that have been committed during military operations in other countries where no such reports have been issued. We also recognize that the stories told in this report appears to ignore several other stories of suffering in the context of our ethnic conflict and war, such as the Muslim community that was evicted from the North by the LTTE, those killed and injured by claymore attacks and suicide bombings in Colombo and other cities outside the North and East, those killed in riots and in carpet bombings, those in “border” villages that had been massacred etc.
However, we do not see above and any other limitations or weaknesses of the report as a reason for us to reject the stories that are told. On the contrary, we hope that this will be a motivation for us to share more and more such stories. We reject the argument that such a process of truth telling is a harassment of our country or destabilizing our country’s post war recovery and on the contrary, we feel that truth telling is an essential element of post war recovery and progress.
We believe that it is left to us Sri Lankans to establish and acknowledge the truth, apologize for wrongs done, ensure justice and accountability, and through measures such as reparations, show our care and support towards those who have suffered such as families of those killed and disappeared, those who have been injured during war and due to torture, those who continue to be detained without charges and without due process, those who had been displaced and lost properties etc.
It is our contention that truth, justice, accountability together with care and reparation for victims are essential ingredients for progress, development of a post war Sri Lanka, along with a longer term political solution that addresses grievances of Tamil community that led to the birth of the LTTE and full scale war.
But it is our assessment that we have been unable to make significant progress on any of the above fronts within Sri Lanka, particularly in the last two years since the end of the war. The process of LLRC had not given us much confidence though we still hope for positive outcomes from the LLRC, particularly the publication of it’s final report, conclusions and recommendations as soon as possible, which would have the potential to serve as a valuable resource for our reconciliation efforts.
In this context we believe international assistance can also be crucial in our post war rebuilding and reconciliation efforts. Thus, we find it encouraging that establishment of the truth, apology for wrongs done, justice, accountability and reparation for victims is reflected in the conclusions and recommendations of the panel of experts appointed by the UNSG.
We call on the UNSG and the government of Sri Lanka to immediately make available the report of the UNSG’s panel of experts to all Sri Lankan citizens, including translations in Sinhalese and Tamil. We call on all Sri Lankans and particularly religious leaders and the government to take into serious consideration the stories of our brothers and sisters contained in the report of the panel of experts of the UNSG, along with conclusions and recommendations.
Instead of denial and rejection that seems to be happening now, we believe all of us Sri Lankans should treat this report as a resource and tool in our own efforts towards a process of reconciliation that is based on truth, justice, accountability and reparation to victims.
1. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
2. Rev. Sr. Deepa Fernando, H.F.
3. Rev. Sr. Helen Fernando, H.F.
4. Rev. Sr. Jesmin Fernando, H.F.
5. Rev. Fr. Ashok Stephen, omi
6. Rev. Fr. M. Sathivel
7. Rev. Fr. Nandana Manatunga
8. Rev. Fr. Jeyabalan Croos
9. Rev. Fr. Praveen Mahesan, omi
10. Rev. Fr. Rayappu Augustin
11. Rev. Fr. Rohan Dominic, cfm
12. Rev. Fr. Rohan Silva, omi
13. Rev. Fr. Sarath Iddamalgoda
14. Rev. Fr. Sherad Jayawardena
15. Rev. Fr. Terence Fernando
16. Rev. Fr. Thangarasa Jeevaraj, sj
17. Jovita Arulanantham
18. Juliana Arulanantham
19. Tirzah Suares
20. Ainslie Joseph
21. Britto Motha
22. Jude Preman
23. Nimal Perera
24. Philip Sethunga
25. Rukshan (Ruki) Fernando
JDS CALLS FOR URGENT RELEASE OF LANKAENEWS JOURNALIST
URGENT ALERT
2011 March 31 | 13.10 GMT
JDS CALLS FOR URGENT RELEASE OF Lanka-E-News JOURNALIST
A senior Sri Lankan journalist and the News Editor of Lanka-E-News website, Benett Rupasinghe, has been arrested today (March 31) by the Sri Lankan Police, dealing yet another blow to the already worsened media freedom and human rights situation in the country. Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka (JDS) condemns the outrageous arrest of Mr.Rupasinghe in the strongest terms while urging for his immediate release.
This is yet another act of intimidation against media freedom in general and Lanka-E-News in particular by the incumbent government of Sri Lanka.
Mr.Rupasinghe was arrested when he turned up at the police station on the invitation of the police to record a statement. This clearly shows the government is misusing police and judicial powers in addition to extra-legal methods against independent media in order to stifling dissent.
The office of the Lanka-E-News in the very outskirts of capital Colombo, was burnt down last month by an ‘unknown group’ of people. No one has been arrested to date in this regard. The Chief Editor of Lanka-E-News has already fled the country and is living in exile, fearing persecution.
The JDS appeals to all concerned groups and individuals to take necessary action to demand for immediate release of journalist Benett Rupasinghe.
Please act – Make phone calls and send emails to ;
Inspector General of Police Mahinda Balasuriya
Call: +94 1128223788 / +94 1128548865
Email : telligp@police.lk
Executive Committee
Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka
SRI LANKA: Young Tamil complainant in a bribery case against a police officer faces attempts on his life and is in hiding
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-STM-009-2011
January 18, 2011
A Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission
SRI LANKA: Young Tamil complainant in a bribery case against a police officer faces attempts on his life and is in hiding
Devarathnam Yogendra ( 28 ) is the complainant in a bribery case against IP Wijesuriya of the Hatton Police Station, who has been indicted on a charge of obtaining bribes. This charge has been filed on the basis of a complaint made by Yogendra on November 6, 2010 and it is alleged that the police officer was arrested a decoy from the Bribery Commission immediately after accepting a bribe. Ever since the arrest of this police officer Devarathnam Yogendra has faced several attempts on his life, according to several complaints that he has made to the police, including the Inspector General of Police and also many other authorities including the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka. Yogendra has also complained that several fabricated charges have been filed, one of which was dismissed by the Magistrate on January 11, 2011. Another such case is scheduled to be taken up on March 1, 2011.
Four days after the first case was dismissed by the court Yogendra faced another threat to his life. Following are the details of this incident:
On January 15, 2011 on the Thai Pongal day morning around 01.30 a.m. about 5 police officers in police t-shirts had come to Yogendra’s house and woke him up and said that they needed to question him. When his father has asked the reason for his arrest, the police officers have said that there is a complaint against Yogendra and they need to question him. Then they have taken Yogendra walking towards a white van with tinted glasses and pushed him in to the van. It was not a police jeep. It happened to be a rainy day and there was noise of crackers being lighted to celebrate Pongal.
Inside the van he was blindfolded and handcuffed and they have taken him about 200 meters into a lonely place where there was a cemetery. When he was taken out of the van, the cloth that blindfolded him was removed and Yogendra was asked to kneel down. Then he was threaten and told that they would kill him if he acted against the police. Yogendra was then assaulted on his shoulders and his body and this stage Yogendra has identified a police officer by the name of sergeant Sarath. Yogendra told him that if he is killed that the whole world will know that the Hatton police officers had done it. Further he told, the police officer “you are Sergeant Sarath and I know you” at this stage police officers were drinking, laughing and making merry. After this they further assaulted him and took out a gun which they fired in the air. Then they have shown him the cemetery and said that he would be soon be there if he continued to act against the police officers. Having kept hi m for more than one hour he was threatened repeatedly. Then the handcuffs were removed and the officers left in the van.
Yogendra has collected 2 bullets casings from the ground and also a rain coat which was thrown out by him while he was in the van to prove that they were from Hatton police.
Yogendra is now afraid to go home and is now in hiding.
This is one more case of a person who is being hunted by the police due to complaints made by him to the Bribery Commission and other authorities. Sugath Nishanta Fernando from Negombo was assassinated after making complaints against the police regarding torture and bribery. At the time he was killed several police officers were being charged by the Bribery Commission and were also made respondents in a torture case. Earlier Gerard Perera, who was pursuing his complaint against torture by several officers from the Wattala Police Station was assassinated while he was traveling on a bus. A case is before the Negombo High Court relating to the murder of Gerard Perera in which the accused is a police officer and an accomplice who was earlier charged under the CAT Act, No. 22 of 1994 for torturing him.
Devarathnam Yogendra is now in hiding, afraid for his life. In a 53 minute taped interview he described to the Asian Human Rights Commission the series of attempts that were allegedly made on his life which he narrowly escaped.
The AHRC calls on the Inspector General of Police and the police authorities as well as the Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka and the National Police Commission to investigate the complaints of Devarathnam Yogendra and also to provide him protection.
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About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
Mannar Bishop’s submission to LLRC hearing in Mannar
<Submission by the Catholic Diocese of Mannar to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission>
8th January 2011
A. Introduction:
This is a presentation on behalf of the people of Mannar district by the Roman Catholic Bishop and Priests of the Diocese of Mannar[1] to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC).
At the outset, we must express our disappointment that previous Commissions of Inquiry have failed to establish the truth into human rights violations and extrajudicial killings they were inquiring and bring justice and relief to victims and their families. For example, the attack on the Pesalai Catholic Church while civilians were taking refuge and the disappearance of Fr. Jim Brown, both in 2006, were amongst the 16 cases that the Presidential Commission of Inquiry to Investigate and Inquire into Alleged Serious Violations of Human Rights was mandated to look into, but we have not heard of any progress. It is also disturbing that reports of these Commissions have not been made available to those who came before the Commission, victims, their families and general public.
However, we believe the appointment of the LLRC by His Excellency Mahinda Rajapakse is an opportunity for all Sri Lankans to move towards reconciliation. We recognize the importance of learning lessons from our history, in order to move forward as well as prevent further conflict and violence. Thus, our willingness to come before the LLRC and assist the LLRC by working with the Kacheri and Grama Sewekas to make it better known amongst our people.
We appreciate the positive response of the LLRC to our request to visit Mannar district and meet people here who have been seriously affected by the war, especially the last phase of war from 2006-2009. However, Mannar being a district that tens of thousands of people have been affected by war for 3 decades, we are disappointed that the time allocated to listen to our people is very small. We request that special period of time be allocated for further submissions by the public even after the formal sessions of the LLRC are completed.
We also believe that it is crucial for any serious effort towards reconciliation to go back into our history beyond February 2002, as roots of the conflict and reasons for the war that caused so much pain, destruction and polarization dates much further. Infact, the LTTE, other armed Tamil groups and the war are not the cause, but only results of the conflict. Although LTTE and other Tamil armed groups have caused much suffering, their actions were prompted by the failure of successive governments to respond favorably to Tamil’s efforts to resolve their problems through peaceful and political means. While acknowledging the part played by LTTE and other armed groups in the suffering of the people, we wish to point out that the state military and their secret agents are feared more by the people and are held responsible for much of their woes.
In order to achieve genuine and lasting reconciliation, we believe it is crucial to address roots of the conflict and war, primarily issues affecting Tamils such as recognition of their political reality, language, land, education and political power sharing.
B. Importance of truth:
We are convinced that recognizing in public the objective truth of the events of destruction that has taken place during the decades of war and violence is indispensable for any attempts at reconciliation. Although establishing the truth is not explicitly mentioned in your mandate, we believe you will share our conviction that there can be no genuine and lasting reconciliation without truth. In particular, the truth about violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, such as enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detention, torture, bombing and shelling of civilian’s spaces including hospitals and religious institutions etc. must be publicly acknowledged bearing also in mind the principle of “Command Responsibility”. We note that except in one case (rape and murder Krishanthy Kumarasami) no perpetrators have been convicted for numerous crimes such as extrajudicial killings, disappearances, torture, arbitrary detention, rape and sexual abuse. It is our belief that this culture of impunity over the years, led to more and more crimes against Tamil civilians during the course of the conflict. Measures such as forgiveness, amnesty are only possible when there is genuine acceptance and repentance of wrongs done and the truth is acknowledged.
It is our earnest appeal that the LLRC will give high priority to establish in public the truth of what has happened in the course of conflict and war.
C. Importance of political solution:
It should be recognized that Tamil people along with other inhabitants are part of one Sri Lanka, while having their own identity, culture, language, religion and traditional habitation. This reality in Sri Lanka has to be duly recognized by the government, considering also international law and practices in resolving conflict through political processes. Basic principle of power sharing and rights of minorities must be legally entrenched in the Constitution. The constitution and legal system must not favor and should not leave any room to be even perceived as favoring majority or any one community or religion.
We believe that this process should be done with full participation of all communities, with the assistance of Sri Lankan experts as well as drawing on relevant international experience.
We acknowledge that this will be a long process. We note that several such processes initiated in the past had been abandoned, including the All Party Representative Committee appointed by the present President. Political solution could be carved out taking into consideration previous attempts at a political solution and relevant amendments made to the constitution.
We believe it is crucial to take initial steps immediately, with a clear time frame for completion of the process and implementation of the final political solution.
D. Immediate issues to be addressed
While a political solution to the conflict is essential, we would like to highlight several immediate issues that need to be addressed to ensure that we move forward on the path to reconciliation. Without addressing these needs, people affected by the war will not be able to move towards reconciliation and neither will they have any confidence or hope in any reconciliation process initiated at macro level.
Below are some such concerns with some practical suggestions:
- Enforced disappearances:
We are submitting herewith a list of 100 persons that have disappeared as reported by their loved ones. (Annex 1 – parts I and II) The actual numbers would be much more. Existing mechanisms such as the Police, National Human Rights Commission and previous Presidential Commissions that many family members had complained to, have been unable to assist the families of the disappeared people. We are particularly worried that there is no news about two Tamil priests from the North who disappeared in this period, namely Rev. Fr. Jim Brown and Rev. Fr. Francis Joseph, although not from the Mannar diocese. Fr. Jim Brown’s case was even part of the mandate of the previous Presidential Commission of Inquiry in 2006.
Suggestions:
1.1 Establishment of a special fast track mechanism that is independent of state institutions and will be perceived as independent by affected families.
1.2 In cases where it is clearly established that the person cannot be found, processes for death certificates and compensation should be expedited.
1.3 Procedures for applying for same should be simple, time bound and should be made public.
- Remanded LTTE suspects:
We are submitting a list of 274 persons who have been reported to us as being remanded. We are again aware that the actual number of persons in detention is much more than we present. There are thousands of LTTE suspects detained in prisons all over the country, such as in Welikeda in Colombo, Bogambara in Kandy, Jaffna, Batticaloa, Vavuniya, Anuradhapura etc. Almost all are Tamils. Most are detained purely on suspicion of links to the LTTE, with no charges brought for years. Others have been charged, but their trials are going on for years. Some of those, such as those detained in Omanthai under the Terrorist Investigation Department (TID), have been denied access to lawyers, ICRC and National Human Rights Commission and right to participate in religious services. Their relatives face a lot of problems visiting them and are often compelled to talk in inhumane manner through wire mesh, with more than 10 at a time in congested small room. There is no centralized list of detainees in each detention centre that relatives could refer to.
It is very important also to identify and pay special attention to vulnerable groups with special needs, such as those with young children and physically disabled.
Suggestions:
2.1 A centralized, comprehensive list of detainees should be made public – with names, places of detention as well as record of transfers, so families are made aware of the whereabouts of their family members. The list should also provide the reasons for detention and under which legal provision they are being detained.
2.2 Unhindered access to detainees, by their families, religious leaders, lawyers, ICRC and other statutory bodies and individuals.
2.3 Release all those who are not charged or detained in accordance with the legal framework and expedite the cases of those who have been charged.
2.4 A proper screening process should be in place to identify special cases, such as those with young children and with physical disability and provide special assistance they need.
- Extrajudicial killings:
We present herewith a list of 166 people who had been reported to us as killed during the last phase of the war, from Mannar district. (Annex 3) This number is not complete. Thousands of persons have been reported killed during the three decade old war from the North and East, most of them, since 2007 and particularly in the last five months of war in 2009. This includes a large number from the district of Mannar. Rev. Fr. Pakiaranjith, a priest of our diocese was also killed on 26th September 2007 in Vellankulam Road near Thunnukai, while he was taking assistance to displaced people. Hundreds of civilians from the Mannar district have also been deliberately killed by the military at the beginning of the war in early 1980s, such as the mass massacre at 11th mile post on the Mannar – Medawachiya Road on 4th December 1984.
Based on eyewitness testimonies, we believe thousands of people would have been killed in the last five months of war between January – May 2009 and we believe a large number of these people are also from the Mannar district.
Based on information from the Kacheris of Mullativu and Killinochi about the population in Vanni in early October 2008 and number of people who came to government controlled areas after that, 146,679 people seem to be unaccounted for. According to the Kacheri, the population in Vanni was 429,059 in early part of October 2008 (Refer Annex 4 and 5). According to UN OCHA update as of 10th July 2009, the total number of people who came out of the Vanni to government controlled areas after this is estimated to be 282,380 (Refer Annex 6).
Suggestions:
3.1 All killings should be formally acknowledged
3.2 The number of civilians killed during the last phase of the war should be made public
3.3 Due clarification should be made regarding what happened to 146,679 people, which is the discrepancy between the number of people who came to government controlled areas between October 2008 – May 2009 and the population reported to be in Vanni in early October 2008.
3.4 Processes for death certificates and compensation should be expedited.
3.5 Procedures for applying for same should be simple, time bound and should be made public.
- Rehabilitation of civilians affected by war
Thousands of civilians have also been injured, some seriously during the course of the war, especially in the last few months of war in the North in 2009. Many suffer permanent physical disability and are unable to get about their daily lives, including education and livelihoods without special assistance. There are also many who are traumatized due to being eyewitness to the war and having family members killed and made to disappear after being detained by the military, being admitted to hospitals etc.
Suggestions:
4.1 All civilians physically affected should be offered needed special care and assistance.
4.2 All those who are in need of trauma counseling should be offered opportunities to receive trauma counseling and psychosocial support.
4.3 Government should facilitate and assist religious groups and NGOs to collect correct data in order to provide these services, including financial assistance where needed.
- Rehabilitation of ex-LTTE cadres
We welcome the release in batches of ex-LTTE cadres. But there is no clear official number for those being detained and rehabilitated.[2] There is no transparent classifications and distinctions between those alleged as ex-combatants and others who were not in the frontlines (e.g. cooks, medics, admin staff etc.). There is also no clear indication about how many ex-combatants would be charged, and under what laws, with different Government MPs saying different numbers at different times.[3]
We have also been told by several ex-LTTE cadres who had been released that they had not received any serious rehabilitation, such as counseling and livelihood skills. Those who have been released after rehabilitation have reported that their freedom of movement has been restricted and several have been reported as threatened and even abducted after release.
Suggestions:
5.1 Ensure freedom of movement and security of those released after rehabilitation
5.2 A comprehensive programme to address the psychological needs of ex-LTTE cadres and those rehabilitated and reintegrated should be implemented by the Government in partnership with agencies who have expertise in the area.
5.3 There should be an independent authority/body to monitor the rehabilitation and reintegration of detainees, so as to ensure that proper rehabilitation is conducted, and if the reintegration process is taking place effectively. (e.g. facilitate family units to re-start their lives etc.,)
- Permanent housing, Livelihoods, Healthcare, Education and Transport:
We appreciate the fact that most people displaced during the war have been allowed to go back to their villages. We particularly appreciate the efforts made to demine these areas. However, although many people have returned to their villages, they are not able to live in dignity.
Almost 20 months after the end of the war, most of displaced people still have no housing and live under tarpaulin sheets. Others live in makeshift and temporary houses, mainly cadjan and tin sheets. There is no comprehensive housing scheme in place. We are also disturbed that a limit of Rs. 325,000 has been placed as the amount that should be spent for one permanent house for houses being built by The North East Housing Reconstruction Program (NEHRP). Based on present construction costs, it would be difficult to complete a good quality permanent house within Rs. 325,000. Further, we are also concerned that only few agencies are involved in building permanent houses, which we understand is due to undue restrictions and formalities of the government.
In this context, we were relieved and happy to hear about the offer of the Indian government to build 50,000 houses. We believe it is essential that the Government of Sri Lanka cooperates fully with the Indian government to ensure that people without housing can benefit in full from this generous offer.
Newly resettled people also lack assistance to restart livelihood (fishing / farming / shops etc.). The large number of shops runs by the military and businesses started by people from other parts of the country are negatively affecting the ability of local people who are trying to restart their lives through small shops and restaurants.
People also lack water supply, nutritious food – including milk foods for children and education facilities, health care and transport facilities are inadequate.
Although we are allowed to extend our services to affected people at the moment, we have faced restrictions in earlier in our (Catholic Church) attempts to provide some such services and facilities and have received reports from NGOs who are ready to provide such services about restrictions presently in effect by multiple government bodies such as the Presidential Task Force and Ministry of Defense.
Suggestions:
6.1 Government should assume primary responsibility to provide decent permanent housing to displaced people who have now returned to their own villages.
6.2 Government should ensure that religious groups and NGOs who are willing to provide assistance and services are able to do these without long and complicated procedures.
6.3 The Indian government should be given the opportunity to build the 50,000 houses they have committed themselves to build, without leaving space for any local politicians, government officials and middlemen to engage in any corrupt practices.
6.4 High priority should be given to provision of quality healthcare, education and transport facilities to newly resettled areas such as Manthai West, Madhu and Musali divisions.
6.5 Due compensation should be paid to properties damaged, and a simplified, fast and transparent procedure must be put in place for this process.
6.6 No limitation should be placed on the amount to be spent on building permanent houses.
7. Creating a positive environment for displaced Muslims to return:
The forced evacuation of the Muslims in 1990 by the LTTE is a sad event in the conflict and we are happy that good number of them is able to return back to their places of original habitat. All the displaced Muslims of the Mannar district must be allowed to return freely and must be assisted by relevant authorities to be reintegrated into the communities in Mannar. We are relieved that Muslim people were not subjected to extrajudicial killings, disappearances, arbitrary arrests that most others who stayed in Mannar have been subjected to.
Suggestions:
7.1 A favorable environment should be created to ensure the return of Muslims who want to come back and they should be provided all facilities that returning people are entitled to.
7.2 Dialogue between Tamil and Muslim communities as well as community and religious leaders is important to ensure both communities can live in harmony.
7.3 Government must ensure that resettling Tamil and Muslim communities get equal level of assistance and support, and avoid creating situations where one community is seen as the favored community, as this will only cause further tensions.
8. Demographic changes and land colonization:
While we welcome efforts to resettle and assist displaced people to return and resettle, we are alarmed at reports that there are plans to handover land to large number of people from outside the district. We have also received reports that several individuals and groups from outside the district are already occupying lands (E.g. in Musali division) and these seems to be done with blessings of a Government Minister.
There is suspicion amongst historical inhabitants in the district that these are part of a government plan to bring about demographic changes in terms of ethnic and religious composition of the districts and the Northern Province as a whole. Such efforts in the past have been a key factor that led to the conflict, war and violence and as we try to move towards reconciliation, it is crucial to learn lessons from the mistakes made in the past and not repeat such mistakes.
- Occupation of land by military:
We appreciate the fact that the Government and the military had handed back some of the Church land that had been occupied by the military. However, we are disturbed that civilians in some areas are unable to go back to live in their own lands due to occupation of their houses and land by the military, such as in Sannar and Mullikulam. Land owned and administered by us (Catholic Church) in Mullikulam have also been taken over by the Navy without prior information or consultation with us (Catholic Church) and the people about alternative arrangements. There are no alternative arrangements offered as of now to those evacuated.
Suggestions:
9.1 Priority should be given to allow people to live in their own lands
9.2 Occupation of land by the military should be a last resort only, and in this case, provision of alternative land and in consultation with those affected and due compensation is also essential
- Militarization and politicization of the civil administration:
Almost 20 months after the end of the war and after more than a year since the resettlement process started, we are disturbed that there is a heavy military presence in Mannar district particularly in recently resettled areas of Manthai West, Madhu and Musali divisions. This is something most Tamil civilians fear and not happy about, due to the many negative experiences they have had in the past. Many activities and decisions that should be attended to by civil authorities are still being handled by the military.
We have also seen an alarming level of interference in the civil administration of the Mannar district by politicians of the ruling party. Appointments and transfers to important positions in the civil administration including crucial areas such as healthcare and education etc. are controlled and monopolized by politicians, completely by passing the official procedures.
The culture of political patronage seems to have engulfed the Mannar district as it is in rest of the country. This has also caused a fear and tension amongst the majority Tamil community, who feel they are being marginalized in favour of those known to influential politicians of the government.
In this post war era, it is worrying that Governors to both the North and the East are former military commanders, as it is natural that senior military officers would operate based on military perspective rather than civilian perspectives.
Suggestions:
10.1 Military presence should be minimized and should be to the extent required.
10.2 Military should remain in barracks and camps and not in public places unless it’s required for security purposes.
10.3 Government Ministers and the Governor should not exceed powers vested in their office by law and in particular should not interfere in matters that are under the purview of the civil administration.
10.4 Transfers and appointments in the civil service should follow the established procedures devoid of any influence and interference of politicians.
10.4 Civilian administration should be strengthened and administrative, development and rehabilitation functions should be handed over to civil authorities with relevant expertise and experience.
- Freedom of Religion, Expression, Association and Movement:
Almost 20th months after the end of the war, it is disturbing that restrictions on expression, association and movement that are not in force in other parts of the country and communities are being imposed on recently resettled Tamil people. On several occasions, the military had cancelled religious services to remember and pray for civilians killed or missing and even some of our priests have been threatened and intimidated for their attempts to commemorate those who were killed during the war.
While celebrations for the war victory had been held under government patronage, no efforts have been made by the government to express solidarity with families of those killed, missing and injured in the war, by observing a National Day of Mourning.
Attempts to protest peacefully about land occupation and lack of basic facilities had also drawn threats and intimidations.
` Church organizations and NGOs have been instructed in writing and verbally by the Government Agent of Vavuniya and the Army in Mannar that no events should be organized without inviting the military.
Restrictions on travel still remain and even last month, some overseas visitors were prevented from visiting people in Manthai West division.
Such restrictions make Tamil people in these areas feel that they are living under military rule and cannot enjoy the rights and liberties that people in other parts of Sri Lanka enjoy. Restrictive measures for peaceful and humanitarian activities also create further tensions and distance between the Government and Tamil people, and should be avoided in order to move towards reconciliation. Travel restrictions on foreign nationals who are interested to help resettled people deny these people opportunities to get further assistance.
Suggestions:
11.1 People, community leaders and religious leaders should be free to organize peaceful events and meetings without restrictions.
11.2 The government should declare a national day of mourning, to remember civilians who have been killed in the war.
11.2 Visitors from outside the district and from overseas should be allowed to freely visit their friends and relatives in recently resettled areas without having to obtain prior permission from the Ministry of Defense.
- Fears of Sinhalese – Buddhist cultural domination:
We are deeply disturbed that some signboards in villages in Manthai West are only in Sinhalese and that some roads names have been given Sinhalese names. These are seen as indicators of “Sinhalization” of traditional Tamil areas and these are things that should be avoided if we are to move towards reconciliation.
Building a Buddhist place of worship (Pansala) in Murunkan Town where there was a Hindu Kovil is something that has caused a lot of concern, particularly as there is no Buddhist population in this area. Erections of Buddhist statues in prominent public places in many new locations in the North have also made our people fearful of Buddhist domination of majority Hindhu, Christian and Islamic areas.
While being deeply respectful of Buddhism and believing in religious freedom for all religious communities all over the country, we believe the erection of Buddhist statues and places of worship in public places in the North, will not help in reconciliation efforts and infact, may lead to further tensions and polarization amongst different religious communities.
E. Conclusion:
We hope due notice will be taken of concerns we had raised and practical suggestions made. We reiterate that key three elements towards reconciliation are:
- Acknowledging the objective and total truth of events that had happened throughout the conflict and war, particularly in the closing stages of the war
- A political solution to the ethnic conflict, that will also ensure good governance and rule of law, drawn up in a participatory manner within a specified time frame
- Addressing of immediate concerns (such as of people who had been affected and suffered doe to the war
We stand ready to further assist and collaborate with the LLRC and the Government of Sri Lanka towards achieving these goals and offer our prayers and blessings towards the success of such efforts.
Yours sincerely,
Rt. Rev. Dr. Rayappu Joseph Very Rev. Fr. Victor Sosai Rev. Fr. Xavier Croos
Catholic Bishop of Mannar Vicar General of Diocese of Mannar Representative of the Priests Forum of Mannar
[1] The Diocese of Mannar comprises the administrative districts of Mannar and Vavuniya. For the purpose of this submission, only the Mannar district is covered
[2] For example, in an interview with the Sunday Observer of 1st August 2010, Minister D. E. W. Gunasekera was quoted as saying there 7000 ex combatants in custody out of an initial number of 12,000 at the end of the war. However, the Minister was quoted in the Divaina of 15th Sept. 2010 as saying 4000 out of 12,000 had been rehabilitated and released implying a number of 8000 that remained detained. On 10th August, Government MP Rajiva Wijesinghe was quoted by IRIN as saying 6900 continue to be detained out of an initial number of 11,000 LTTE fighters that were detained.
[3] Minister Gunasekera pointed out in his interview to Sunday Observer of 1st August that about 1100 were “hardcore tigers”. However, the Divaina of 15th September reported the Minister as saying only about 700 could be charged. MP Rajiva Wijesinghe however quoted a different figure of 600 that will face charges and long term rehabilitation in IRIN news of 10th August
Auf dem Flughafen wartet der Geheimdienst
Von Lee Yu Kyung, Colombo
Auch eineinhalb Jahre nach dem Bürgerkrieg drohen Flüchtlingen, die nach Sri Lanka zurückreisen, Verhöre, Folter und Gefängnis. Dennoch steigt der Druck, dass sie ihre Fluchtländer verlassen.
«Mutter ist tot.» Mit diesen Worten begrüsst uns ein trauriger Sujendran Gunesekaram. Seine Mutter starb nur wenige Tage vor unserem Besuch an einem Herzinfarkt, nachdem sie drei Jahre lang krank gewesen war.
Gunesekaram ist ein 27-jähriger Tamile, der ursprünglich aus dem Osten Sri Lankas stammt. Seine Heimatstadt Muttur war während des Kriegs zwischen der Armee und der tamilischen Befreiungsorganisation LTTE Schauplatz blutiger Kämpfe. Er verliess im Juni 2009 Sri Lanka in Richtung Malaysia, weil er die vielen Kontrollen und Schikanen im Land, speziell gegen junge Männer der tamilischen Minderheit gerichtet, nicht mehr ertrug und hoffte, im Ausland eine Arbeit zu finden. Im Mai 2009 hatte die sri-lankische Armee die LTTE vernichtend geschlagen und die von ihr besetzten Gebiete erobert. Hunderttausende von TamilInnen wurden während Monaten in abgesperrten Lagern festgehalten. Über 20 000 sind bis heute noch in diesen Lagern inhaftiert, Tausende von angeblichen Mitgliedern der LTTE werden darüber hinaus in Sonderlagern festgehalten, zu denen nicht einmal das Internationale Komitee vom Roten Kreuz Zugang hat.
Im Herbst 2009 befand sich Gunesekaram auf dem Flüchtlingsboot Jeya Lestari, das von Indonesien aus auf die australische Weihnachtsinsel übersetzen wollte. Auf Intervention Australiens hin wurde es von den indonesischen Behörden abgefangen. Die 254 Flüchtlinge im Boot wurden verhaftet.
Gunesekaram wollte um jeden Preis nach Australien. Doch schliesslich entschied er sich im November 2009, wegen seiner kranken Mutter nach Sri Lanka zurückzukehren. Die Internationale Organisation für Migration finanzierte ihm den Rückflug von Indonesien. Was ihm bei seiner Einreise in sein Heimatland widerfahren sollte, konnte er nicht ahnen.
Beschuldigungen und Schläge
Es war ein Uhr morgens, als Gunesekaram am 26. November 2009 am internationalen Flughafen Bandaranaike nördlich von Colombo ankam. Nachdem der zuständige Einwanderungsbeamte Gunesekarams Pass überprüft hatte, rief er drei Agenten des sri-lankischen Geheimdiensts Criminal Investigation Department (CID). Diese führten Gunesekaram in einen Vernehmungsraum und beschuldigten ihn, Mitglied der LTTE zu sein. Er stritt das ab. Daraufhin verliessen die drei Agenten den Raum. Kurze Zeit später trat ein tamilischer Mann ein. Er schrie Gunesekaram an, er wisse, dass er zur LTTE gehöre. Der Mann habe mit einem Akzent aus der Provinz Batticaloa gesprochen, sagt der Zurückgekehrte. Der Mann habe auf ihn eingeschlagen und ihn immer wieder beschuldigt, mit der LTTE zusammengearbeitet zu haben. Danach setzte man Gunesekaram in einen grünen Jeep und verband ihm die Augen. «Ich dachte, jetzt werde ich ermordet», sagt er, «doch man brachte mich in den vierten Stock.»
Der vierte Stock ist das Befragungs- und Folterzentrum des CID. Gunesekaram sah dort Dutzende von Inhaftierten, denen Mitgliedschaft in der LTTE vorgeworfen wird. Nach einer Woche wurde er ins Boosa-Camp verlegt, eine Haftanstalt der Armee, die auch als Sri Lankas Guantánamo bezeichnet wird. Er sei dort an den Beinen aufgehängt worden, während ein Offizier mit einer Eisenstange auf ihn eingeschlagen habe. Im Januar 2010 wurde er zusammen mit dreissig Mitgefangenen aus der Anstalt entlassen.
Gunesekarams linkes Auge schmerzt von den Folterungen noch heute. In Spitalbehandlung will er sich jedoch deswegen nicht begeben. Er traut den öffentlichen Krankenhäusern Sri Lankas nicht, und die Behandlung in einem privaten Spital kann er sich nicht leisten. Gunesekaram muss eine erneute Verhaftung befürchten. Im Juli versuchten CID-Beamte, ihn an seinem Arbeitsplatz festzunehmen. «Ich lief weg, als ich die Männer sah.» Später wechselte er die Sim-Karte seines Mobiltelefons.
Kurze Zeit nach unserem Besuch ist Gunesekaram mithilfe einer Menschenrechtsorganisation in eine andere Provinz gezogen. Dort versucht er, ein unauffälliges Leben zu führen, ist jedoch arbeitslos. Er hat bei der Schweizer Botschaft in Colombo ein Asylgesuch gestellt.
Systematische Verhöre
Gunesekaram ist kein Einzelfall. Zurückkehrende TamilInnen werden am Flughafen systematisch verhört. So wurde am 17. November der britisch-tamilische Journalist Karthigesu Thirulogas am Flughafen von Colombo verhaftet. Auch er war zurückgekehrt, um seine kranke Mutter zu besuchen. Geheimdienstleute fragten ihn über einen Radiosender aus, bei dem er kurze Zeit gearbeitet hatte und der mit der LTTE in Verbindung stehen soll.
Der Geheimdienst versucht, mit seinen Befragungen mehr über die Strukturen der LTTE im Ausland zu erfahren. Wer verdächtigt wird, der LTTE anzugehören, muss mit Repressalien, Haft und Folter rechnen.
Amnesty International berichtete im September 2010 von den Brüdern Sumith und Indika Mendis, die im Herbst letzten Jahres nach ihrer zwangsweisen Rückschaffung durch die australischen Behörden bei der Einreise nach Sri Lanka von der CID inhaftiert und anschliessend gefoltert wurden. Während Sumith Mendis bald freikam, wurde Indika Mendis acht Monate lang festgehalten. Beide sind am 14. August dieses Jahres erneut festgenommen worden.
«Die CID sagte, die LTTE versuche, ihre Kader nach Australien zu bringen, um dort die Organisation neu aufzubauen», sagt die Mutter der beiden, als wir sie aufsuchen. Den Brüdern wird vorgeworfen, erneut die Flucht nach Australien angestrebt zu haben. Bei seiner Verhaftung sei Sumith Mendis von CID-Offizieren geschlagen worden, berichtet seine Ehefrau. «Auch unser vierjähriger Sohn musste das mitansehen.»
Sumith Mendis ist nach seiner Verhaftung erneut gefoltert worden, wie Amnesty International schreibt. Er musste daraufhin in einem Spital gepflegt werden. Sumith Mendis’ Anwalt hat den zuständigen Arzt um einen medizinischen Rapport ersucht, bis heute jedoch vergeblich.
Flüchtlinge werden zurückgeschafft
Auch der Singhalese Lasantha Wijeratne wurde nach seiner Rückschaffung aus Australien im November 2009 von sri-lankischen Beamten verhört, später festgenommen und gefoltert. Gemäss einer schriftlichen Erklärung von Wijeratne ist er am Flughafen vom CID über seine «Beziehungen mit den tamilischen Asylsuchenden im Flüchtlingslager der australischen Weihnachtsinsel» befragt worden. Er fürchtete um sein Leben und stellte bei der Schweizer Botschaft in Colombo ein Asylgesuch. Im März 2010 wurde er verhaftet. Laut Amnesty International wurde er ins Gefängnis Negombo gebracht, wo auch die Brüder Mendis einsitzen sollen. Auch Wijeratne musste nach Folterungen ins Spital gebracht werden.
«Wenn dich jemand beschuldigt, ein LTTE-Mitglied zu sein, ist es sehr schwer, da rauszukommen», sagt uns ein Menschenrechtsanwalt in Colombo. «Die CID braucht keine Beweise, um Leute gefangen zu halten.» Trotz vieler Berichte über Menschenrechtsverletzungen nehmen inzwischen Länder wie Australien, Kanada und die Schweiz (vgl. «Auch die Schweiz schafft aus») eine harte Haltung gegenüber Asylsuchenden aus Sri Lanka ein. Sie können dabei auf das Uno-Flüchtlingshilfswerk UNHCR verweisen, das in einem Bericht vom Juli 2010 von einer «verbesserten Menschenrechtssituation seit dem Ende des Bürgerkriegs» schreibt. Allerdings hält das UNHCR in seinem Bericht auch fest, dass es schwierig sei, die Lage abschliessend zu beurteilen. Dennoch scheinen die Behörden in den Fluchtländern immer weniger Scheu vor Rückschaffungen zu haben. In Australien haben auch Razzias gegen MigrantInnen aus Sri Lanka zugenommen. Neuankömmlinge werden nicht mehr als Flüchtlinge gesehen, sondern als Menschenschmuggelopfer, die zurückgeschafft werden müssen. Die Rate der positiv beurteilten Asylgesuche hat drastisch abgenommen.
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Asylsuchende aus Sri Lanka
Auch die Schweiz schafft aus
«Viele Flüchtlinge aus Sri Lanka haben Angst und sind verzweifelt», sagt Barbara Frei. Die Leiterin der Freiplatzaktion Basel unterstützt Asylsuchende aus Sri Lanka und hilft ihnen bei ihren Anträgen beim Bundesamt für Migration (BfM). Während zur Zeit des Kriegs Asylgesuche öfter positiv beurteilt wurden oder die Asylsuchenden zumindest den Status der «vorläufigen Aufnahme» zugesprochen erhielten, sei jetzt die Aufnahmepraxis viel restriktiver geworden. Flüchtlingen mit einem Negativentscheid droht die sofortige Ausschaffung. Darüber befürchten viele, dass ihre «vorläufige Aufnahme» aufgehoben werden könnte. Eine Rückschaffung könnte auch jene mit Aufenthaltsbewilligung B treffen, die von der Sozialhilfe abhängig sind.
Laut Angaben des BfM sind in den ersten elf Monaten dieses Jahres 39 Asylsuchende aus Sri Lanka nach Ablehnung ihres Asylgesuchs «freiwillig, selbständig oder mit Rückkehrhilfe» zurückgereist. Sieben Personen seien «rückgeführt» worden. Die Zahl der Asylsuchenden aus Sri Lanka ist in den letzten Jahren stark gestiegen. 2009 stellten 1415 Personen einen Asylantrag. Von den in dieser Zeit behandelten rund 850 Asylgesuchen wurden nur 170 bewilligt.
Derzeit befinden sich über 4000 Menschen aus Sri Lanka im Asylverfahren, 2200 sind im Status «vorläufig aufgenommen». Die Schweizerische Flüchtlingshilfe (SFH) fordert einen Rückführungsstopp für sämtliche Flüchtlinge aus Sri Lanka. Die SFH kritisiert zudem, dass Personen, die einen negativen Entschied erhalten haben und nicht zurückgeführt werden, nur noch Nothilfe erhalten. Die Hilfsorganisation verlangt für diese Personengruppe den Status «vorläufige Aufnahme». Barbara Frei sagt, dass viele nach einem negativen Asylentscheid untertauchen oder ihr Glück in einem anderen Land versuchen.
Wer in der Schweiz Asyl will, kann auch auf einer Schweizer Botschaft ein Asylgesuch stellen, wie das Lasantha Wijeratne und Sujendran Gunesekaram in Colombo (vgl. Haupttext) getan haben. Letztes Jahr sind dort über 1900 und in den ersten elf Monaten des vergangenen Jahres bereits 1974 Asylgesuche eingegangen. Allerdings sind auf diesem Weg die Chancen auf Asylgewährung noch viel kleiner. Laut BfM sind von Januar bis Ende November letzten Jahres 2191 Asylanträge sri-lankischer Staatsangehöriger auf Schweizer Botschaften entschieden worden – nur gerade 44 Menschen durften daraufhin in die Schweiz einreisen.
Barbara Frei sagt, dass unter denjenigen, die auf Schweizer Botschaften ein Asylgesuch stellen, auch viele Frauen sind, deren Ehemänner sich bereits in der Schweiz befinden. Ihre Chancen auf eine Einreise in die Schweiz seien jedoch minimal.
Published by Die Wochenzeitung vom 06.01.2011 at
http://www.woz.ch/artikel/2011/nr01/international/20224.html
Sri Lanka: 2011 dawns with killings and abductions
As the killers of five Tamil students in Trincomalee go unpunished for the fifth year, the number of killings and abductions in the government controlled north of Sri Lanka is alarmingly on the rise.
Manoharan Ragihar, Yogarajah Hemachchandra, Logitharajah Rohan, Thangathurai Sivanantha and Shanmugarajah Gajendran were all shot dead on the second of January 2006 in a High Security Zone in Sri Lanka’s eastern town of Trincomalee. The families, local journalists and international organisations had evidence that the crime was committed by the state armed forces. The government failing to find the perpetrators and punish them is clear proof to that evidence.
Three weeks later, Sudaroli Journalist Subramaniyam Sugirdharajan whose photographs exposed that the students were killed at point-blank range was shot dead near the Governor’s Secretariat.
2011
The new year dawned in Jaffna with Sobinathan Gopinath, a 27-year-old driver of a three wheeler taxi, disappearing from Urumpirai, where, within the duration of three days, a teacher was abducted and an education officer shot dead.
The latest of abductions were reported from Kilinochchi on the 3rd of January. 28 out of 30 boys who were abducted by an armed group were later dropped at the Omanthai military checkpoint. The fate of the other two is not known.
Tamils in Jaffna and Kilinochchi are terrified by this latest wave of forced disappearances and killings. Within the last two weeks of 2010 the following violence against northern Tamils were reported from a region with a disproportionate military presence where independent media and voluntary organisations are barred.
· The chief priest of Changkaanai Murukamoorthy temple, 56 year old Nithiyananda Sharma, died from gunshot wounds received at the temple early December.
· The decapitated body of Mahendran Thiruvarudchelvam, who had been displaced from the Vanni was found in Jaffna on the 20th of December, nine days after his disappearance.
· On the 27th of December Armed men who arrived on a motorbike, shot and killed the Deputy Director of Education for the Valikaamam Zone, Markandu Sivalingam.
· Gunmen killed environmentalist Ketheeswaran Thevarajah, in Jaffna on the 31st of December.
· 30-year-old teacher, Shanmuganathan Vignesvaran of Urumpiraay West had been abducted on 30th December at Urumpiraay, Jaffna.
Government ministers from the Tamil region, Vinayagamurthi Muralitharan and Douglas Devananda have already accepted in public that the abductions and killings have not been investigated to a conclusion. The commander for the Sri Lankan military in Jaffna, Major General Mahinda Hathurusinghe speaking to journalists has ruled out the involvement of the Tamil Tigers. However, he has told the BBC that the killing of the priest earlier in December was the work of two former Tamil Tiger fighters working in cooperation with a government army corporal and that all these individuals had been arrested.
The government
The government of Sri Lanka denied the allegations made against it and claimed that there was a political motive to discredit the government by associating it with some of the killings. It explicitly denied that the education official had been killed for condemning the singing of the national anthem in Sinhala, rather than Tamil, at a state function. However, it has failed to find the culprits or establish a motive.
The climate of terror in Jaffna in particular and in the north in general continues even twenty months after the Sri Lankan government proclaimed its military victory over Tamil Tigers. However, President Mahinda Rajapaksa has declared that the state led by him will not stop operations. Addressing novice cadet officers of the Diyatalawa Sri Lanka Military Academy on the 21st of December, President Rajapaksa said that the operation ’will not cease until all bitter past memories of terrorism and secessionist intentions are completely wiped out’.
Journalist for Democracy in Sri Lanka (JDS) strongly believes that the escalation of violence against Tamils following the president’s declaration is of serious concern in a land where Tamils are faced with loss of life, land, cultural identity and freedom.
While vehemently condemning these atrocities against the Tamil people, JDS warns that Sri Lanka will end up being at the mercy of an autocratic, fundamentalist state unless the freedom loving people within and without the country act immediately to stop this recurring violence.
Executive Committee
Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka
04 January 2011
SRI LANKA: The re-immergence of fear psychosis the Jaffna District
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
AHRC-FST-001-2011
January 3, 2011
A Statement from Networking for Rights Sri Lanka forwarded by the Asian Human Rights Commission
NfR expresses its serious concern about the deterioration of the law and order situation in the Northern Districts of Sri Lanka. The series of killings that have taken place during the last few weeks in the Jaffna Peninsula raises the question whether death squads have been reactivated in the Jaffna Peninsula. The latest in the series of killings is the cold blooded murder of 28 year old Ketheeswaran Thevarajah of Jaffna on 31st December 2010. This is the fifth such killing that has taken place in Jaffna within last two weeks. None of these killings have been seriously investigated or resolved, so far.
According to reports appearing in the news media Thevarajah, who was a postal worker in Vadamaraadchi, Jaffna, had been shot by armed men who entered the house where he was staying that night. He had later succumbed to the gun shot injuries.
There has been no other apparent reason for this killing of a civic conscious activist. Some news media has reported that the killers had asked him to open his page on the face book and shot him at point blank range.
Mr. Thevarajah, had posted photographs on his face book on the environmental damage caused by sand excavation in his village. According to news reports, he had provided reports to Jaffna media on the same issue. Looking at this matter in that context, it is obvious that this killing is also another in the series of killings to restrict the ‘freedom of expression’ in Sri Lanka.
Excavation of sand illegally from sand dunes in the Jaffna district by politically powerful persons had become a public issue recently. A few months ago there had been public protests over this matter. People alleged that a pro-government para military force of a political party is responsible for the illegal excavation of sand in the area.
Whatever the reason may be, it is clear that the killers were from an organized gang and were able to get away without any problems, after the shooting. The killing of Mr. Thevarajah, taken together with the other recent murders in that region, raises the question whether the much feared death squads are being reactivated in Jaffna to stifle dissenting civil voices and tightening the government’s control of the population of that area. Putting the blame on unknown persons as being responsible for such incidents cannot be accepted taking into consideration the fact that the Jaffna Peninsular is strictly under the control of the military. It appears that Jaffna is already engulfed in an evolving fear psychosis similar to what was in vogue during the infamous ‘period of terror’ (the beeshana samaya) in the South from about the middle of 1985 to 1995, when thousands Sinhala youth were abducted, killed or had disappeared under identical circumstances. This raises the second questi on, whether the creation of a fear psychosis has become the government’s strategy to keep the Tamil people under tight political control?
NfR would like to emphasize that such a strategy is bound to fail. We urge the government of Sri Lanka which has the Northern and Eastern Provinces firmly under its control, to take immediate steps to reassure the safety and security of the people living in those areas and restore the rule of law.
Issued by
Steering Committee, NfR Sri Lanka
# # #
About AHRC: The Asian Human Rights Commission is a regional non-governmental organisation that monitors human rights in Asia, documents violations and advocates for justice and institutional reform to ensure the protection and promotion of these rights. The Hong Kong-based group was founded in 1984.
Witness of the War Without Witness-WWWW
Author’s note :
Any individual or agency is required to ask permission to the author at PENSEUR21@HOTMAIL.COM, in case of reproduction of any of photographs or contents appeared on this site.
COPY RIGHT Lee Yu Kyung All rights reserved
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Ever since the Sri Lanka’s brutal ethnic war was ended in May 19 2009, international human rights organizations, Tamil diaspora, a few UN agencies or renowned intellectuals have called for an independent investigation of war crimes committed by Sri Lankan armed forces and Tamil Tigers (or LTTE). To enhance this call further, there have been several footages and photos leaked to be published by a few international media and rights groups, notably Channel 4 in the UK, indicating very possible war crimes by Sri Lankan armed forces. It is estimated that, during the last 5 months of the war, the death toll would reach at as many as ’40,000 plus’.
Since the latter half of 2008 through the whole period of the war till its end in May 2009, all the journalists and most of humanitarian agencies have been blocked by Sri Lankan government. As a matter of fact, this kind of blockade never was easy for decades except a period of ceasefire or ‘peace talks’. It remains uneasy till today, despite the conclusion of the war. Severe restrictions to the war-ravaged North and East, where people have started their lives from war debris, has virtually caused basic livelihood extremely difficult. Towards the end of 2010, the Sri Lanka government has reportedly ordered International Committee of the Red Cross (or ICRC) to close their offices in the North.
Since my first trip to the country, formerly known as the Island of Ceylon, in early 2005 – right after Tsunami hit the Island – I’ve been deeply into the Sri Lanka’s conflict in both emotional and journalistic. I’ve traveled the country during the last assault in 2009 but was ‘forced’ to have ‘second hand’ information due to restrictions on media. Sri Lanka has been one of the most difficult countries on earth being a journalist.
After a year and half in 2010, I have made a journey to the North, this time, to try to get accounts from those witnessing the ‘war without witness’. This is a second such attempt to get witnesses’ account, which I got from escapees of the internment camps – or so-called IDPs camps – in third countries. Last assault for months in 2009 was called, truly it was then, ‘War without Witness’. Yet, I believe the hundreds of thousands who were trapped in the war zones, were all witnesses of this brutal ending.
The following photos have featured a handful of those survivors and family members seeking where about of their loved ones. The project, in which ‘witnesses’ of Sri Lanka’s war will be featured, remains to be continued.
The Tamils sisters have gone through a bunker life for more than 3 years while being constantly displaced during the last years of Sri Lanka’s war. The family had been detained in the internment camp or Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp for several months in 2009 after fled the war zone. Even after released from the camp, no livelihood available for the family, who has been living in the dramatically militarized Northern part of Sri Lanka. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 37 year-old Tamil man has lost his wife and two daughters as the family were fleeing the war zone, which had been under heavy shelling, on May 14 2009. He and two sons survived. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 53 year-old Tamil woman has been desperately seeking where about of her daughter, who was a LTTE conscript since 2008. According to witnesses, the daughter was last seen having severe injury but was taken away by Sri Lankan soldiers at Omanthai check point, the main reception point to the government side in the North during the last stage of Sri Lanka’s war. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 35 year-old Tamil woman shows a news report about her missing brother, who was last seen at the army check point in the North in 2007. She has lost her mother, sister and elder brother who all shot dead by Sri Lanka army in early 90s. Since the war in Sri Lanka has been resumed in 2006, thousands people – mostly Tamil youths – have disappeared. Some of them were last witnessed at the army checkpoint. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Having gone through a decades-long civil war, there are tens of thousands war widows in Sri Lanka’s North and East. Many of their family members have gone missing, as they were passing through a military checkpoint. The woman (in the picture), whose husband has disappeared at the military checkpoint in the North in 2007, has kept all sorts of reports issued by from human right groups to police, hoping to find out her husband oneday. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A Tamil family have kept tools, which they used for digging bunker while being constantly displaced for years during the last stage of war in Sri Lanka. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 5 year-old Tamil boy has shrapnel caused-scars over his body and part of a toe was blown off. He has lost both parents during the last stage of the war in 2009. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 10 year-old boy has lost his mother and two sisters as the family were crossing over to the government side during the last stage of Sri Lanka’s war. Visibly traumatized, the boy has often fainted. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A decades-long civil war in Sri Lanka has created scars among children in both physical and mental. Sanjive Rubaganatha (3) has many scars caused by shrapnel pieces over his body. He often draws something, which he describes, ‘dead bodies’ or ‘shelling’. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“I couldn’t leave my children (orphans) behind the war zone…” said a priest. As the army told all the religious leaders to get out from the war zone during the last stage of the war in 2009, 8 priests resisted to stay till last moment. One missing, one died of heart attack, 6 survived. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“My son was conscripted by LTTE in April 2007 but fled the LTTE next year. I had had to hide him in a bunker, caring of his excrement” said the 43 year-old grieving mother. The son, however, has surrendered to the army as the family crossed over to the government side. Even then he has been detained one of dozens ‘rehabilitation camps’, where about 12000 ‘LTTE suspects’ have been detained without any charge or trial. While the government has claimed it has released 5,586 out of 11,696 as of January 2011, some of the released under the government’s “Ex-Combatant Rehabilitation Process” were allegedly re-arrested or abducted and have disappeared. The former detainees have claimed they got torture and routine assault. There’s no transparent process or international monitoring of these camps, creating fear of great human rights violations, and further disappearance. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 19 year-old college student has got one leg amputated due to wound during the last stage of war in Sri Lanka. Since then, he has a dream to become a doctor, wishing to help those who wounded.
Sri Lanka : Deported asylum seekers face torture, jail
Lee Yu Kyung
“Mum’s dead”. The gloomy faced Sujendran Gunesekaram greeted me, as we met in person for the first time. His mother died of a heart attack on September 5, after suffering for three years.
Sujendran is a 27-year-old Sri Lankan Tamil originally from Muttur in Trincomalee, the war-hit town in the east. He was one of 254 asylum seekers on the Australia-bound boat Jeya Lestari that moored off at the port in Merak, Indonesia in October 2009.
The Indonesian navy intercepted the boat after Australia’s then Prime Minister Kevin Rudd called Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono to request it.
Sujendran wanted to reach Australia at any cost. But he returned to Sri Lanka in November last year solely because of his ailing mother. “I would have not returned at all, unless my mother was not greatly ill”, he said.
However, on arrival Sujendran couldn’t go straight to his mother. He didn’t expect what would happen next.
A asylum seeker look at his passport (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Taken to the ‘4th floor’
It was about 1 am on November 26, 2009. Sujendran’s passport was being checked at Bandanaraike International airport near Negombo, 37km north of Colombo.
An immigration officer had called three officers from Sri Lanka’s Criminal Investigation Department (CID).
They took Sujendran to a room. They told him “you are LTTE [Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam — ‘Tamil Tigers’]”, which he denied. After the CID men left the room, a Tamil-speaking man with a “Batticaloa accent” — an eastern Tamil accent — entered the room via another door. The man started to beat up Sujendran.
Sujendran said he is sure the man was from “Karuna’s party”.
Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, or Karuna, is now a deputy minister of resettlement in Sri Lanka’s government. He was once an eastern commander of the Liberation Tigers of Tami Eelam (LTTE), but defected to the government side in 2004.
Ever since, he has run a militia group in a form of political party.
His group – initially TMVP, not split – has been accused of involvement in recruiting children, raping women and abducting Tamils and dissidents and harassing Muslims in the east. According to a 2009 United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) report, it stated
“… It is also reported that TMVP forces are responsible for extrajudicial killings, deaths in custody and abductions, which have apparently been carried out with the knowledge and tacit agreement of government actors and local authorities…”
The Batticaloa man shouted at Sujendran as he assaulted him.
“Your bag is from International Organisation of Migration [IOM], which supplied arms and ammunition to the LTTE, right?! You yourself have been involved in it, haven’t you?!”
Sujendran explained: “I was traveling with the IOM bag, because IOM has facilitated my return from Indonesia.”
After he was beaten for several minutes, Sujendran was put into a green jeep, where he was blindfolded. “I thought I was going to be murdered”, he said. “But I found myself at the 4th floor.”
The “4th floor” is the satirical word used for the CID’s torture and interrogation unit. There, Sujendran saw dozens of “LTTE suspects”. After a week, Sujendran was transferred to the Boosa Camp, where he said he was tortured.
Hung upside down, he said he was heavily beaten with bicycle parts and pipes. His left eye is “still painful” from the beating, he said. But he has refused to go to the government hospital for treatment.
“I don’t want to tell the government doctor what happened to me”, he said, “because the doctor would report my case to the government, who will catch me again.” As he cannot afford to visit a private hospital, he has endured the pain in his eye for almost a year.
Sujendran was released in January 2010 along with 30 other prisoners. But at least two of those released disappeared soon afterwards.
Sujendran said he had started to feel threatened again since early July, when a CID vehicle came to his workplace in Colombo. They called out for him to “come”.
“I ran away as I saw a CID jeep in the distance and I changed my mobile Sim card”, he said.
Asylum seekers who were caught up by Malaysian authority as they were about to get on the boat in late 2009. They said they will try it again. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
On October 6, three asylum seekers, including two from the Merak boat, returned to Sri Lanka. They too were “disappeared” at the airport shortly after their arrival but later “appeared” in the “4th floor” said an activist who is close to them.
On November 17, a 37-year-old British Tamil journalist named Karthigesu Thirulogas was arrested at the airport as he flew in to see his ailing mother. As of December 1, no one has heard from him, despite an unconfirmed report that he has appeared at a government function in the east of the country.
“There have been people who were released to be abducted, disappeared or killed”, a Colombo-based activist told me. “If the journalist was released, he would have contacted his family or colleagues with no doubt. But no one has got such contact.”
Another activist in Colombo told me that they also believed the journalist had been disappeared.
“Due process” for returnees
Notwithstanding, the UNHCR issued its latest guideline for Sri Lanka in July. The guideline referred to “the context of the improved human rights and security situation [in Sri Lanka] following the end of the armed conflict”.
However, the UNHCR admitted: “It is important to bear in mind that the situation is still evolving, which has made the drafting of these Guidelines particularly complex”.
Part of this “complexity” seems to be that even in the “improved situation”, the Sri Lankan government continues to persecute deportees and returnees.
It’s also noteworthy that Singhalese have also faced persecution from the authoritarian Sri Lankan regime.
Moreover, the UNHCR’s “improved situation” doesn’t address the growing anti-government feeling among Singhalese, who used to support the regime’s war, let alone Tamils. Nor does it account for the fact that the government of Sri Lanka continues to fight the ghosts of the LTTE.
Sujendran said his interrogators mostly asked him questions about the LTTE, including “where are the arms?” and “how much money did you collect for LTTE?”
These questions were put to not only Tamil deportees, but also Sinhalese deportees, such as Sumith Mendis.
An asylum seeker, Sumith was deported by the Australian government from a refugee detention centre on October 4, 2009. Upon his return to Sri Lanka, he was arrested at the airport with his brother. Sumith was released, but was arrested again in August and is still held today.
“The CID said people are trying to smuggle LTTE to Australia to rebuild LTTE”, said Sumith’s mother.
“The CID inspector assaulted my husband in front of all his family, including our 4-year-old son”, Sumith’s wife told me.
Sumith’s lawyer has asked the judicial medical official from a hospital where Sumith was treated after torture to issue his client’s medical report. He has received nothing.
Another Singhalese deportee accused of being linked to the LTTE is Lasantha Wijeratne. Lasantha was deported from Australia in November, 2009. He has been detained since early this year.
According to Lasantha’s written statement, the CID questioned him at the airport about “his links with the Tamil asylum seekers in the Christmas Island [detention centre]”.
“If somebody puts your name down as LTTE, then it’s very difficult for you to get out”, said one human rights lawyer in Colombo. “The CID does not need evidence”.
In fact, Lasantha’s father-in-law once housed a Tamil man in early 2008 for two months. The Tamil man was suspected LTTE, which the family never though of. Because of the family’s hospitality, Lasantha’s father was taken to the police station and tortured. He died two days after his release.
Crackdown on asylum seekers, not smuggling networks
Nevertheless, the governments of Australia and Canada, which have been prime destinations for Sri Lankan asylum seekers, have taken a harsh stance on Sri Lankan asylum seekers. As a pretext, they have portrayed their policy as tackling people smuggling networks.
Reports of arrests of those involved in smuggling networks are rare, but the crackdown on Sri Lankan asylum seekers has intensified.
Both countries have dramatically reduced the number of Sri Lankan asylum seekers they let in. The Toronto Sun said on November 23 that the acceptance rate for Sri Lankan asylum seekers fell to 47% in September, from 75% in August.
The family of Mr. Sumith Mendis, a Sinhalese deportee from Australia, said Sumith was assaulted by police inspector in front of all family's eyes. Sumith also claimed he saw an Australian officer from Australia High Commission in Colombo was present as he lay down on the floow (due to torture). "He knew that I was a returnee from Christmas Island. I saw the commissioner donated a small fridge to the Unit. I was tortured while the commissioner was inside the same section.” said Sumith in his petition letter prepared for submission to the Supreme Court. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
In April, Australia suspended all applications for asylum from people from Sri Lanka (for three months) and Afghanistan (for six months).
On October 6, more than 120 Sri Lankan Tamils in Bangkok were rounded up in the Sapan Mai neighborhood. Among those arrested were four pregnant women and 18 children under four years old — including a two-month-old baby. A further 61 Tamils were arrested on October 30 in Songkhla, southern Thailand.
Australian government officials have also been accused of being present when returned Sri Lankan asylum seekers have been tortured.
In the petition Sumith has prepared to submit to the Supreme Court on September 9, he said that he saw a representative from the Australian High Commission was present as he was tortured on the “4th floor” of the CID.
Sumith’s petition said: “A commissioner with Asian appearance visited the newly created marine unit (of CID) while we were tortured in the same area. The commissioner saw I lay down on the floor (due to torture). He knew that I was a returnee from Christmas Island. I saw the commissioner donated a small fridge to the Unit. I was tortured while the commissioner was inside the same section.”
His lawyer is waiting for the medical report from a judiciary medical official before the petition is submitted to the Supreme Court.
I requested an interview with the Australian High Commission in Colombo in late September. The Commission replied that it did not give interviews to the media and referred me to the foreign affairs department in Canberra. At the time of publication, the department had not replied to Green Left Weekly’s’s request for comment on Sumith’s petition.
Sri Lankans have sought asylum in countries such as Australia for many reasons. Some have fled in fear for their lives, while others could be classed as “economic migrants”, encouraged by Sri Lanka’s war-driven economy to seek a better life elsewhere.
But the practice of deporting asylum seekers back to Sri Lanka is placing them in imminent danger. The persecution the Sri Lankan government metes out to returnees will ultimately create more refugees, some of whom perhaps first left Sri Lanka as economic migrants.
Published by <Green Left Weekly> at
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/46304
Wenig Versöhnliches auf Sri Lanka
Im Norden der Insel hallt der Bürgerkrieg noch immer nach
Im Mai 2009 erklärte Sri Lankas Präsident Mahinda Rajapakse die tamilischen »Befreiungstiger« (LTTE), die im Norden und Nordosten der Insel für einen Tamilenstaat gekämpft hatten, für besiegt. Ein 26-jähriger Bürgerkrieg ging zu Ende. Unsere Autorin besuchte anderthalb Jahre später das ehemalige Kriegsgebiet.
Uniformierte junge Männer mit Kalaschnikows sind im Norden Sri Lankas allgegenwärtig. Von Mannar im Nordwesten über Vavuniya, das Tor zum Norden, bis Mullaithivu, dem letzten Schlachtfeld im Nordosten, wo es mehr Soldaten als Zivilisten geben soll.
Am Kontrollpunkt Omanthai müssen Reisende ihre Ausweise vorzeigen, zum dritten Mal, nachdem sie die erste Kontrolle am Stadtrand von Vavuniya – keine fünf Kilometer von Omanthai entfernt – passiert haben. »Keine Sorge, nur eine Kontrolle. Wir haben Frieden, Sie können sich überall frei bewegen.« Ein freundlicher Tamile, der mit mir im Bus in Richtung Jaffna fährt, versucht mich zu beruhigen. Aber das »überall« gilt nicht für jedermann. An diesem Kontrollpunkt werden Ausländer, die keine Genehmigung des Verteidigungsministeriums vorlegen können, zurückgewiesen. Obwohl das Ministerium telefonisch mitgeteilt hatte: »Ja sicher, sie können (nach Jaffna) fahren.« Offenbar dürfen Ausländer nur den Luftweg nehmen. Was gibt es entlang der Straße durch die einstige Bürgerkriegszone zu verbergen?
Zuletzt gesehen am Kontrollpunkt
Beiderseits der Straße Mannar – Vavuniya folgt ein Militärposten dem anderen. Bewaffnete Marinesoldaten stehen mitten auf Dorfstraßen und an den Straßenecken in Mannar. »Geh da lang!«, »Komm her!« und »Tasche öffnen!« sind die einzigen singhalesischen Worte, die die meisten Dorfbewohner verstehen. Von den Soldaten wiederum spricht kaum einer tamilisch. Die Kontrollpunkte, an denen man sich nicht verständigen kann, sind gefürchtet. Manche wurden an solchen Orten das letzte Mal gesehen, bevor sie für immer verschwanden.
»Mein Mann wurde zuletzt 2007 an einem Armeekontrollpunkt gesehen. Tags darauf ging ich mit meinem singhalesisch sprechenden Nachbarn dorthin und fragte nach ihm. Ein Soldat sagte uns, wir könnten ins Gebäude kommen, um nachzusehen. Wir hatten Angst und machten schnell kehrt«, berichtet Anoja (Name geändert) und zeigt mir etliche Papiere der Polizei, der Menschenrechtskommission und verschiedener Organisationen, denen sie den Fall ihres Mannes geschildert hatte.
Militärposten – hier in Mannar – sind im Norden allgegenwärtig. Foto: Lee Yu Kyung
Ironischerweise ist das Militär im Norden nach dem Ende des Krieges stärker präsent als je zuvor. Dagegen verläuft die Wiederansiedlung von Flüchtlingen und Vertriebenen, die nach dem Krieg Vorrang haben sollte, im Schneckentempo. Jede Hilfslieferung für die Rückkehrer muss vom Militär genehmigt und untersucht werden. Drastische Vorschriften für Hilfsorganisationen, die schon in den Flüchtlingslagern zu Hunger und Krankheiten geführt hatten, wurden auf die Wiederansiedlungsgebiete ausgedehnt. »Uns verbot der Kommandant des Gebietes, Fahrzeuge mit dem Zeichen unserer Organisation zu benutzen. Nur ohne unser Logo durften wir Hilfsgüter anliefern«, berichtet eine Helferin in Vanni.
Ins Dorf »P«, das lange Zeit durch die aufständischen »Befreiungstiger« kontrolliert worden war, sind rund 3000 Menschen schon vor einem Jahr zurückgekehrt. Doch die meisten wissen nicht, wie sie die Regenzeit, die Ende September begann, überstehen sollen. Noch immer leben sie in provisorischen Blechhütten, die die Internationale Migrantenorganisation (IOM) geliefert hat. Das Menschenrechtskommissariat der Vereinten Nationen (UNHCR) hatte ihnen bei der Entlassung aus dem Flüchtlingslager umgerechnet 170 Euro gegeben. Und das Welternährungsprogramm (WFP) versprach die Versorgung mit Grundnahrungsmitteln für sechs Monate.
»Glücklicherweise hat uns das WFP bis August versorgt, länger als sechs Monate. Inzwischen haben wir Saatgut ausgebracht, das uns die Regierung gegeben hat. Aber bis zur Ernte in etwa vier Monaten haben wir nichts zu essen«, klagt eine Bewohnerin.
Weder gibt es eine medizinische Einrichtung noch eine Stromversorgung, sieht man von den Solarlaternen ab, die Caritas für einige Familien mit Schulkindern gespendet hat. Dabei sind sich Hilfsorganisationen und Regierungsvertreter darin einig, dass »P« eines der erfolgreichsten Wiederansiedlungsprojekte ist.
»Rund 150 Familien, die in der Gegend in und um Periamadu angesiedelt wurden, haben überhaupt nichts bekommen«, gesteht Sanjive (Name geändert), ein offiziell angestellter Sozialarbeiter. »Es gibt keine Toiletten für diejenigen, die im August angesiedelt wurden. Und die am 2. September kamen, haben nur Material zum Dachdecken erhalten.«
Kühl berechnete Unsicherheit?
Laut offizieller Statistik wurden bis zum 30. August dieses Jahres 258 846 Insassen aus den Vertriebenenlagern »entlassen«. Geblieben waren demnach 25 000 bis 30 000. »Seit August kommen keine Tanklaster mit Trinkwasser mehr. Die Stromversorgung wurde auf fünf Stunden am Tag reduziert. Man hat uns erklärt, wir sollten in ein Übergangslager umziehen, aber viele haben das abgelehnt: Sie fürchten, dass sie bei dieser Gelegenheit ein weiteres Mal überprüft und die Jungen als angebliche LTTE-Kämpfer von den Familien getrennt werden«, erklärt Rani aus dem Lager »Zone 4«.
»Der Regierung scheint es recht zu sein, dass die Tamilen noch Jahre in Unsicherheit leben. Solange sie sich um Nahrung und Unterkunft sorgen müssen, denken sie nicht über politische oder soziale Rechte nach«, glaubt der tamilische Politiker Mano Ganeshan. »Das wäre so wie bei den Palästinensern, die seit Generationen in Flüchtlingslagern leben.«
Nicht zufällig ist das solideste Gebäude im Dorf »P« der Militärstützpunkt. Befragt nach dem ersten Gefühl, das sie beschlich, als sie nach jahrelanger Vertreibung und Haft in die Heimat zurückkehrte, flüstert die 32-jährige Buddima: »Schreckliche Angst.« Nach einer Pause fügt sie hinzu: »Wir werden uns nicht daran gewöhnen, so vom Militär umzingelt zu leben. Es ist furchtbar.«
In den letzten Tagen des Krieges hatte die Armee wiederholt verkündet, wer sich auch nur für einen Tag mit der LTTE eingelassen habe, müsse sich ergeben. »Sie sagten, sobald der Name registriert sei, würde der Betreffende frei gelassen oder höchstens für drei Monate inhaftiert«, erinnert sich Rangitha, eine 43-jährige Mutter. Also drängte sie ihren 25-jährigen Sohn, sich zu ergeben, so wie es viele andere Mütter taten. Doch ihr Sohn sitzt auch nach 18 Monaten noch in Haft, ohne je vor ein Gericht gestellt worden zu sein. »Meinen Sohn hatte die LTTE im April 2007 rekrutiert. Er war aber im folgenden Jahr geflohen und ich hatte ihn versteckt«, erzählt die Mutter.
Angst vor dem »Verschwinden«
»Es handelt sich nicht um Gefangenenlager, sondern um Resozialisierungszentren«, behauptet Brigadegeneral Sudantha Ranasinghe, der seit Februar für die Lager verantwortlich ist. Befragt nach Foltervorwürfen, antwortet er: »Dieses Wort existiert nicht in meinem Vokabular.«
Ehemalige Gefangene berichten anderes. Der 39-jährige Jeya beispielsweise. »Ein Tag im Lager beginnt mit dem Gesang der Nationalhymne in Singhalesisch. Ein Junge musste den ganzen Tag in der stechenden Sonne knien, weil er die Hymne nicht richtig gesungen hatte. Ein anderer wurde getreten, weil er während des Gesangs husten musste.«
Trauernde Tamilin: Ihr Sohn ergab sich der Armee und ist seit anderthalb Jahren in Gefangenschaft. Foto: Lee Yu Kyung
Jeya bestreitet, LTTE-Mitglied gewesen zu sein. Er war einer von vielen, die aus den Vertriebenenlagern in die sogenannten Wiedereingliederungszentren verschleppt wurden. 15 Verhöre habe er durchstehen müssen. Mehrere Male sei er ernsthaft misshandelt worden, erzählt er. Wegen einer Beinbehinderung wurde er im April dieses Jahres entlassen. Kurz vorher war er mit 106 weiteren Gefangenen aus seinem Lager in ein nahes Schulgebäude gebracht worden. Sechs seiner Leidensgefährten wurden an einen unbekannten Ort verlegt, einer kam aus ungeklärten Gründen ums Leben.
Spuren sind schwer zu verfolgen, denn es gibt keine formale Registrierung für LTTE-Verdächtige, die durch eine unabhängige Institution wie das Internationale Rote Kreuz überwacht werden könnte. Zieht man die finstere Geschichte Sri Lankas in Betracht, in der Tausende von Oppositionellen »verschwanden«, ist die Angst der Betroffenen und ihrer Angehörigen verständlich.
Die Angaben über die Gesamtzahl der Gefangenen schwanken. Die Zeitung »Daily News« zitierte jüngst den Minister für Wiedereingliederung D.E.W. Gunesekara: 5819 von 11 696 Inhaftierten seien bis 23. Oktober freigelassen worden. Die Zahl enthalte jedoch nicht jene 800 »Befreiungstiger«, die vor Gericht angeklagt werden sollen.
Mehr als anderthalb Jahre sind seit dem Ende des längsten Bürgerkriegs in Asien vergangen. Doch das Regime unter Präsident Mahinda Rajapakse scheint es mit der Versöhnung zwischen singhalesischer Mehrheit und tamilischer Minderheit nicht eilig zu haben. Vielmehr konzentriert sich Rajapakse darauf, die Macht seiner Familie zu sichern und seinen Sohn zum Nachfolger aufzubauen. So verwandelt sich Sri Lanka aus der »Demokratischen Sozialistischen Republik« in das Königreich der Rajapakses. Und niemand kann garantieren, dass die Waffen auf Dauer schweigen werden.
published by <Neues Deutschland> at
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/183988.wenig-versoehnliches-auf-sri-lanka.html
스리랑카 반정부 언론인 ‘강제실종’
지난 9월 3일, ‘여성 대통령’으로 한때 스리랑카 정치권을 풍미했던 찬드리카 쿠마라퉁가 전 스리랑카 대통령은 비판적 일간지 <선데이 리더>와의 인터뷰에서 다음과 같은 말을 했다. “내 앞으로 ‘화이트 밴’을 보낼까봐 두려워 답을 못하겠다.” 현 마힌다 라자팍세 대통령을 두 문장으로 표현해 달라는 기자의 질문에 대한 답이었다. 전직 대통령조차 현 정권과의 불편한 심기를 ‘화이트 밴’으로 표현할 만큼, 스리랑카에서 화이트 밴은 단순히 ‘흰색 봉고차’가 아니다. 그건 ‘강제실종’과 거의 동의어처럼 이해되는 ‘납치’의 대명사이며 국가 폭력의 상징이다.
스리랑카 수도 콜롬보 시내 검문소에서 군인들이 차량을 세워 검문하고 있다. 콜롬보는 물론, 동북부 타밀족들이 주로 거주하는 지역은 납치와 강제 실종의 ‘천국’이다. 마을의 한적한 길가 곳곳에 무장 군인들이 지키고 섰지만, 납치차량이 잡힌 적은 없다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
스리랑카의 강제실종 역사는 깊다. 타밀반군과의 내전과정에서는 물론, 1970년대 초와 1980년대 후반 극좌민족주의그룹인 인민해방전선(JVP)의 무장 반란 당시에도 수만명이 실종되었다. 당시 암울한 역사의 현장에서 실종자 문제를 다루던 인권변호사 라자팍세는 2005년 말 대통령이 되어 ‘번호판 없는 화이트 밴’을 가동, 강제실종의 역사를 적극 이어가고 있다.그가 집권한 이래 지금까지 콜롬보에서만 대략 600명이 실종되었고, 동북부 타밀 지역은 콜롬보 수치의 4배가 넘는다고 인권단체들은 보고 있다. 가장 심각한 북부 자프나 반도가 약 20m당 한 명꼴로 군이 배치된 곳임을 감안하면 납치의 배후를 짐작하는 건 그리 어렵지 않다. 타밀 반군으로 자동 인식되는 수많은 타밀 젊은이들이 무작위로 실려갔고, 그리고 언론인들도 예외가 아니다. 다만 협박, 납치, 실종, 살해 등에 노출된 언론인들에게서는 무작위성보다는 현 정권에 대한 비판적 성향이 좀 더 도드라진다.
1990년 이래 정부와 타밀 호랑이 반군 간에 있었던 네번의 휴전협상 전 과정을 취재한 베테랑 타밀 기자 나데사필라이 비타야탈란. 그는 지난해 2월 26일 장례식장에서 조문객들의 비명 소리를 들으며 사복, 경찰복 무리들에게 끌려갔다. 국제사회의 유례없는 압력으로 2개월 만에 풀려난 그가 증언하는 ‘흰색 봉고’의 세계는 이렇다. “나를 차 안으로 밀어넣자마자 눈을 가리고 손은 뒤로 묶고는 차 바닥에 눕혀놓고 달렸는데….”
국제사회 압력으로 2달만에 풀려나
15분 가량 흘렀을 무렵 차 안 라디오 뉴스에서는 비타야탈란 기자 납치를 목격한 이는 119로 제보하라는 경찰의 안내 방송이 흘러나왔다. 그가 납치당하고 있음을 경찰이 공개적으로 확인해 준 셈이다. 모처에 도착해 발가벗기고 눈은 여전히 가려진 채로 3~4시간 구타와 고문을 당하던 그에게 납치범 중 한 명이 “실수로 다른 사람을 데려왔다”며 그를 다시 차에 태웠다. “두번째 차량에서는 눈가리개를 풀어줬는데, 며칠 전 취재차 만났던 경감 2명이 타고 있었다.”
그렇게 실려간 곳은 ‘4층’, 고문의 대명사인 범죄 수사국(CID)이었다. 거기서 비타야탈란 기자는 “연행된 것”이라는 말을 들었다. 그가 받은 혐의는 납치되기 5일 전 타밀 호랑이 반군이 콜롬보 중심가를 공격했던 자살공습에 공모했다는 것이다. 라자팍세 대통령의 친동생, 고타바야 라자팍세 국방부 장관은 영국 BBC와의 인터뷰에서 이 혐의에 대한 확신이 넘쳐 비타야탈란 기자를 테러리스트라 단정했다. 고타바야 장관은 2009년 1월 2일 암살당한 <선데이 리더> 편집장 라산다 위크레마퉁가를 ‘타블로이드 기자’라고 비하하기도 있다. 국경없는 기자단 선정 ‘언론자유 약탈자’ 명단에 올라 있는 그의 지휘 아래 국방부 사이트에는 ‘국가의 배신자’로 찍힌 언론인들이 실명으로 오르곤 한다. 그러면 어김없이 협박 전화와 ‘화이트 밴’ 공포가 해당 언론인들을 휘감는다. 자유언론운동(FMM)의 대표였던 언론인 수난다 데샤프리야도 그 명단에 올라 협박에 시달리다 지난해 말 스위스 제네바로 망명했다.
스리랑카 북부 마을 골목에 지키고 선 스리랑카 군인 (사진 왼쪽) 산디야 에카날리야고다(사진 오른쪽)의 남편 프라기트 에카날리야고다는 올 1월 실종된 이래 아직 소식이 없다. 전쟁 당시 군의 화학무기 사용에 대해 집중적으로 자료를 모아온 그의 행적과 반정부 성향이 실종의 주 원인인 것으로 동료 기자들과 인권운동가들은 보고 있다.(Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
이례적으로 풀려난 비타야탈란 기자와 달리 올해 초 실종된 언론인 프라기트 에카날리야고다는 지금 실종 1년을 채워가고 있다. ‘랑카 이 뉴스’(Lanka eNews)에 만평과 글을 기고해온 그는 대선 이틀 전인 지난 1월 24일 오전 7시 30분, 가족과 인사를 나누고 선거 취재를 떠난 이래 돌아오지 않고 있다.
프라기트는 범 야당 후보였던 사라 폰세카 전 군 총 사령관 캠프에도 관여하고 있었다. 당시 대선에서는 타밀 정치인들조차 울며 겨자먹기로 폰세카 후보를 지지 할 만큼 스리랑카 야권은 라자팍세 정부를 견제하기 위해 몸부림을 치고 있었다. 폰세카 후보를 지지하는 언론에는 여지없이 협박이 가해졌다. 그런 이유로 주간지 ‘랑카’는 일시적 폐쇄를 당했고, 편집장 샨다나 시리말와트는 경찰 조사에 자주 불려다녔다.
실종 1년째 행방 묘연한 기자도
한편, 프라기트의 실종에 대해 아내 산디야와 동료 언론인들, 인권단체들은 그의 반정부 성향은 물론, 지난 몇년간 타밀지역 전쟁터에서 정부군의 화학무기 사용에 대한 자료를 집중 추적해왔던 점을 실종의 주 원인으로 보고 있다. 프라기트는 지난 해 8월 납치당했다가 하루 만에 풀려난 적이 있다. 당시 눈이 가려진 채 끌려가 납치범들을 인식할 수는 없었지만, 화학무기 취재 과정에서 알게 된 군내 고발자와의 교신내용을 집중 추궁받았다고 지인들은 전한다.
‘랑카 이 뉴스’ 편집장 산다루완 세나디라에 따르면 내부 고발자 군인 역시 행방이 묘연한 상태다. 그리고 경찰의 추궁과 협박전화를 받아온 산다루완 그 자신도 지난 3월 결국 스리랑카를 도망쳐 나왔다. 프라기트의 가까운 동료인 디스넨드라 페레라 역시 지난 5월 31일 집으로 들이닥친 괴한들에게 납치당할 뻔했다. 여러차례 살해 협박을 받아온 페레라 역시 이날 괴한들로부터 프라기트와 공유한 화학무기 관련 자료를 추궁받았다고 전했다.
“납치되기 약 일주일 전, 남편이 깊은 생각에 잠긴 적이 있어 사연을 물었다. 모 장관의 비서로 일하는 지인으로부터 ‘조심하라’는 경고를 받았다고 했다.” 프라기트의 아내 산디야는 경찰 조사과정에서 프라기트에게 ‘경고’한 모 장관 비서 이름을 알렸지만 수사에 별 다른 진척을 보지 못하고 있다. 그리고 고타바야 국방부 장관, 그는 이 사건에 대해서도 한 마디 거들었다. “프라기트는 지금 어딘가에 숨어 자작극을 벌이는 중”이라고.
프라기트는 어디 있나? 당뇨병을 심하게 앓고 있는 그가 어딘가에 살아 있다고 아내는 확신한다. 2년 전 실종된 형이 여전히 어느 수감소에 갇혀 살아 있을 거라 굳게 믿는 타밀 청년 엥가란 비나야감(24)처럼. “남편은 내가 조금도 굴하지 않고 밤낮 캠페인 벌일 사람이라는 걸 잘 알고 있다.” 한때 노동운동에 몸담았던 산디야의 자신감에 찬 말이다.
스리랑카 수도 콜롬보 시내의 검문소들. 소수 타밀족과 언론인을 포함한 반정부 인사들을 납치해온 납치차량 화이트 밴은 어떠한 제지도 받지 않았다. 전쟁 이후에도 광범위하게 퍼져 있는 검문소와 반정부 인사들에 대한 탄압, 언론인 협박, 실종은 전후에도 여전히 드리운 스리랑카의 암울한 모습이다.
스리랑카 콜롬보|이유경 <국제분쟁전문기자> penseur21@hotmail.com
Published by <Weekly KyungHyang> at
http://newsmaker.khan.co.kr/khnm.html?mode=view&code=117&artid=201011101604081
Resettlement, Reconciliation ‘in limbo’
- Another ‘white flag’ shooting claimed -
Lee Yu Kyung, Sri Lanka
Note : The variety of this article has been already published (and reproduced) in outlets in Korean, English and German in accordance with the limited space of each outlet. In this post, I added some others’ accounts, such as Ms.Anoma – a wife of the former army commander Sara Fonseka – and a witness of the last assault, who described of another ‘white flag’ shooting.-ed
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Men in uniform, mainly young soldiers holding AK 47, are seen all around northern Sri Lanka, from Mannar in north-west to Mullaitivu, the last battle field in north-east. In Mullaitivu, there are said to be more soldiers than civilians.
At the Omanthai military check point in Vavunia district, passengers are stopped to have their ID checked. Those travelling from Vavuniya town, only 4-5 kilometres away, have already had the same ID card checked three times. Those travelling to or from Jaffna — the capital of the Northern province — have their belongings searched.
“Don’t worry, [they’re] just checking”, one cheerful Tamil man was trying to comfort me in a bus heading for Jaffna. “Peace has come. You can go everywhere.”
However, “everywhere” is not for “everyone”. At Omanthai checkpoint, foreigners are turned back if they don’t have a clearance from the Ministry of Defense. I phoned the Ministry beforehand and was told I would be allowed to travel by land. At the checkpoint, however, I was turned away for lack of a pass to show. Foreigners are generally only able to visit to Jaffna by air. Little wonder they do not want foreigners to travel on the heavily militarized A9 road, which stretches out through the war-ravaged north.
The road from Mannar, the capital of the Mannar district, to Vavuniya has many military posts. In Mannar district, armed soldiers stand on street corners of alleys or in middle of the road in small villages as well as towns.
“Go that way”, “Come this way” and “Open your bag” are the only words in Sinhalese — the language of Sri Lanka’s ethnic majority — that most Tamil villagers in the area understand. Soldiers stationed in the area speak hardly any Tamil. With communication often impossible, checkpoints were volatile point during the war. Some people were seen for the last time at a checkpoint, never to return.
“My husband was seen last at the army checkpoint in 2007”, 33-year-old Anoja (name changed) said. “The next day, I went to the checkpoint with my neighbor, who speaks Sinhalese, to ask where my husband was.
“A soldier told us we can come inside to check. We were scared, so we left”
Anoja showed all sorts of papers issued by police, the Human Rights Commission and human rights groups, all of whom she has reported her husband’s case to.
Another woman from the same village has been looking for her missing brother since 2007, when he was last seen at a checkpoint. The 35-year-old woman lost her mother, elder brother and sister when all were shot dead by the Sri Lankan Army in early 1990s.
There are tens of thousands war widow in Sri Lanka’s North and East. Many of their family members have gone missing, while passing military checkpoint. The woman, whose husband has disappeared at the military checkpoint in the North, has kept her reports with human right groups and police, hoping to find out her husband. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
The military’s heavy presence in the north has, ironically, grown drastically after the more than three-decades-long war ended. Whereas the resettlement in the north of Tamil ‘internally displaced persons’ (IDPs), which is supposed to be a top priority in the post-war era, is developing at a snail’s pace at best. About 300,000 Tamils were held in IDP camps at the end of the war.
All aid provided to help resettlement is overseen by the “commander in charge” of the area. Aid items have to go through army checkpoint set up at the entry of each resettled area. Severe restrictions on NGOs and aid, which have left IDP camps vulnerable to disease and short on food, have now been extended into resettlement areas.
“We were told by the area commander not to use vehicles with our organisation’s logo. Without the logo, we could bring in aid for the people.” An aid worker in Vanni said.
In “P” village in Mannar, thousands of people began to resettle almost one year ago. But most villagers have no means to cope with the rainy season. People are living in temporary housing made of tin sheets provided by the International Organization for Migration.
When released from IDP camps, people were given 25,000 rupee (about $224) by UNHCR. The United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) promised to provide basic food items for six months. A woman from the village said: “Luckily, we were provided with food by WFP until August. It was more than six months.
“Now, we have sowed seeds provided by government for cultivation. [But] until the harvest in about four months’ time, we have no food.”
Some jobs have been available for villagers, such as cleaning public places, which pay about $4.5 per day. But it is far from sustainable work. There are no medical facilities or electricity, other than solar lanterns provided by Caritas for some families with students.
Despite shortfalls, aid and government workers in the region agreed that “P” village is one of the best resettlement cases. While villagers and NGOs complained about the vicious restrictions on aid for the desperate population, government workers nodded of those complaints.
“Some 150 families, who were resettled in and around Periamadu area, were given nothing. But the government hasn’t given permission to NGOs [to help]” said Sanjive (name changed), a 32-year-old field worker.
“There’s no toilets for those resettled in August, while those who were resettled in September were given only roof materials.” He added.
In early September, Suresh Premanchandra, an MP from the Tamil National Alliance, revealed that 255 families, or 1215 people, were prevented by the commander in charge at Mullaitivu from resettling in their place of origin. No aid has been provided for these people, who are living in a school.
Another Tamil politician, Mano Ganeshan, equated the situation with the one in Palestine. “This is what has been going on in Palestine. Palestinians have lived in refugee camps for generations,” he said. “The government wants to keep Tamils desperate for more years. This is so people will only be concerned with food and shelter, and they won’t think of political or social rights”.
Militarization in the war-ravaged northern Sri Lanka has been modeled on the ‘Manar-Vavunya road’, where numerous military posts and soldiers are seen in deforested sides. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
It is not by accident that the most solid structure in “P” village is a military camp. When asked how she felt when she first arrived back in her hometown after being displaced for years and then detained in an IDP camp, 32-year-old Buddima (name changed), whispered:
“Terrified”
After a pause, she continued: “We are not getting used to live under the army control or being surrounded by them like this. This is terrible.”
The situation for those in the IDPs camps, meanwhile, appears to be getting back to be primitive now that most IDPs have been released.
Government statistics compiled by UNHCR put the number of IDPs released as of August 30 at 258,846. This indicates that somewhere between 25,000 and 30,000 IDPs are still detained in the camps.
The world community, appalled by the forced detention of hundreds of thousands of Tamils in barb-wire surrounded camps, demanded the Sri Lankan government release people as quickly as possible. However, the situation for the IDPs after their release, as well as for those still in the camps, has not been paid attention by the world community. Those still in the camps say the conditions are inadequate.
“[There have been] no more bowser supplies of [drinking] water since August. Electricity, which used to be available 24 hours-a-day, is now available only five hours each day” said Rani (name changed), a 21-year-old woman held in the Zone 4 IDP camp.
“The army and GA [government agent, a local administrative worker] told us to move to a transit camp. But many of us rejected this because we’re afraid that the authorities will screen people again and take away youths on suspicion they are LTTE”.
Rani was allowed out of the camp for 10 days at the end of September. She said one man who returned after his allowed 10 days was severely beaten by soldiers as a ‘punishment’. After beaten up, according to Rani, the man seemed to be taken away to the detention camp for LTTE ‘suspects’.
“I learned that he had to look after his ailing parents, who were transferred from Vavunya to Colombo. That’s why he returned late.”
Another IDP from Zone 4 camp, 35-year-old Sara (name changed), complained about shortages of food and other necessities. “I often eat rice and dhal only”, she said, “no vegetables or other items provided”. Sara, who has lost all her family members and is alone in the camp, said the camp had stopped providing soap since June.
Bullet marks all over some remained buildings in war-ravaged north of Sri Lanka. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Accounts by Sara and Rani backed up a report in June from United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
The report said: “Food commodities for IDPs donated by the USAID [United States Agency for International Development] came to an end on 31 May …Drinking water distribution shortfalls [are] possible at the end of July.”
One-and-a-half years after the Asia’s longest wars ended, the Sri Lankan government does not seem to be taking its claim of seeking “reconciliation” with the island’s Tamils seriously. Rather, President Mahinda Rajapakse has focused on keeping his family’s power intact, leaving root cause of the brutal conflict perfectly intact.
A constitutional reform passed on September 8 is a prime example. It removes president term limits and authorizes the president to appoint the heads of all independent commissions.
“The reform was introduced without any public notice, discussion or consultation. It is very regressive on ethnic issues as well.” Rohan Edrisinha, a professor of Colombo University, said.
“They are crazy for power. It’s happening to us today, but it will happen to others tomorrow. There’s no democracy at all in this country” Ms.Anoma Fonseka(53), a wife of the former army chief Sara Fonseka, who’s been in prison, strongly but composedly criticized.
“My husband has told the president and other Ministers that IDPs should be release. Not only one time, but several times” said Ms. Anoma, who has nevertheless denied what Sara Fonseka reportedly said that it was the Defense Secretary Gotabaya Rajapakse who ordered ‘shoot them all’ of surrendered LTTE leaders and their family waving white flag. “He just heard that from other” she added, referring to a journalist, who was embedded with the 58 Division of the Sri Lanka Army in the last battle field.
Sanjive Rubaganatha (3) has many scars of war over his body. He often draws something, which he said, ‘dead bodies’ or ‘shelling’. After a year and half since the war ended, the Rajapakse regime has not much keen on healing the war scars among Tamil population. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Meanwhile Daily Mirror, one of the daily newspapers in Sri Lanka, quoted the government agent in Jaffna as testifying before Lesson Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) on November 4. “No one was shot by the army when they crossed over carrying white flags”. Yes or no, as there was another claim of white flag shooting in different situation. It was happening not in a situation of cross fire or crossing over in chaos, but in a situation where there’s obviously no hostility by the rebels, who then seemed to be wiped out, surrendered, or probably hidden out in deep jungle.
“On May 17 (2009), LTTE were still fighting till around 5 pm and then no more. I was still inside a small bunker. One priest from the other bunker was shouting at remained people “army is here”. He further shouted “you all take your white flag to come out”. I tried a few times to come out holding white flag, but only firing coming towards us. It was after 6:30 pm. We, about hundreds of people, among who were small children, elderly people, were moving towards the army – at 30 meters away – holding lantern to show our white flags. As we came near them, the army shouted “don’t come, go back”. As we turn back, they were shooting toward us. We all lie down. After they stop firing, we all crawled to the bunker about 20 meters away. There were heavy shelling, blasts and grenade all around over a night. No LTTE there. The army only were shooting towards bunkers one by one. There were thousands of bunkers. It was a miracle for us to escape all those firings”.
Having been the scene of brutal ethnic cleansing against the Tamil minority, the Island is now being transformed into the Rajapakse family’s personal kingdom, which has been a subject of international debate of a war crime. There is no guarantee that, with the regime seeking to strengthen its grip on power, the ongoing mistreatment of Tamils and shutting all mouths talking of war crime, the ever present guns will remain silent.
relevant publications at
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/46034
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28367.html
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/183988.wenig-versoehnliches-auf-sri-lanka.html
Where are they ‘alive, or dead’?
- Mass detention of LTTE “suspects” shadows post-war era -
Lee Yu Kyung in Sri Lanka
Note : The variety of this article has been already published (and reproduced) in outlets in Korean, English and German in accordance with the limited space of each outlet. This is an original piece.
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It seems no one bothers ‘them’ in Sri Lanka. No lawyer or rights groups in the country would dare to talk of ‘their’ basic legal rights. Deserve to be abandoned or deserve to be ‘disappeared’? Tamil Tigers (or LTTE), a textbook of suicide bombing which made them the world branded “terrorists”, have become ‘prisoners of war’ (or POA) ever since its dead end in May 2009. Tens of thousands LTTE cadres, including “suspects”, were either captured alive or surrendered during the last stage of war. The fate of some of them has not been known, while some have been located in various detention camps due to the desperate efforts of their family, who are then allowed to visit their loved ones under the army’s lookout. However, some families including Buddima’ (32, F) hardly made a visit as they are too poor to afford transport.
Buddima’s husband has been detained in Boosa camp in outskirt of Colombo. She has made just a few visits for the past 8 months. “Whenever I visited, I was also subject to be interrogated” she said. “My husband was an aid worker for Tamil Rehabilitation Organization (TRO, pro-rebel aid group). He was a paid staff. He never was a combatant” she added.
During the last days of war, the army kept announcing at Omanthai checkpoint –the main check point near war zone – that anyone who’s been involved in LTTE for even a day has to surrender. “The surrendees will be free immediately or at most three months” it said. On this basis, Rangitha (43) pressured on her 25 year-old son to surrender, as many other mothers did. However, her son remains to be in detention after a year-and-a-half without being charged or facing trial.
“My son was conscripted by LTTE in April 2007 but he fled the LTTE next year. I had had to take care of his body waste for nearly two years, hiding him inside the bunker” said the grieving mother.
Conscripted by the rebels, detained by the army
There are said to be a dozen of “surrendees camps” in Northern Sri Lanka. But the number of these camps and their locations are varied depending on who you ask. The state-owned Daily News recently quoted the minister of rehabilitation and prison reform, D E W Gunesekara, saying 5,819 out of 11,696 detainees have been released as of October 23. This figure doesn’t include 800 alleged LTTE members who were to be charged.
“It’s not a detention center, but ‘rehabilitation center’. You yourself come over here to observe it” said Brigadier Sudantha Ranasinghe, who has been in charge of the camps since February. “Having spent time together for more than a year, ex-combatants and the army are in friendly mood” he argued.
However, former detainees tell a different story.
A Sri Lanka soldier and Tamil boy riding a bicycle in the north of the country. Tens of thousands LTTE 'suspects' have been detained in various detention centers since the war ended in May 2009. Without monitoring by independent institutions and lack of transparent legal process, International Committee of Jurists (or ICJ) in its recent report, termed it ‘the largest mass administrative detention anywhere in the world’. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
“A day in the camp starts by singing national anthem in Sinhalese, the language of majority ethnic. There was one boy who had to kneel down under scorch sun all day long because he didn’t sing it properly. There’s another boy who got kicked by army boots because he coughed while anthem was playing” said Jeya (39) a former detainee.
Only Sinhalese – the language of majority ethnic – was spoken in the camps, which most Tamil detainees couldn’t understand, he said. Therefore, those who speak Sinhalese among detainees would become a ‘leader’ of small groups to pass on the army orders to others. Nevertheless, there were still communication problems followed by ‘punishment’.
“In December, one boy who didn’t move promptly when the army said ‘disperse’ was kicked down. He couldn’t understand that word in Sinhalese. That was actually one of many cases”
Jeya, who is disabled in one leg, was released in April 10, when the disabled prisoners and women detainees with children were the first batch of detainees to be let out. A week before his release, he was brought to a school compound nearby his ‘rehabilitation center’ along with 106 others.
“In that school, I heard about imminent release. But one person died of unknown reason and another six were taken by Terrorist Investigation Department (or TID). The six were various disabled. One was blind, two lost one eye. Another one lost one eye and one hand. Another boy lost one leg…etc. I don’t know where they were taken to and why”
There have been reports that some detainees were transferred from ‘rehabilitaion centers’ to Boosa camp by TID. However, it is difficult to trace as there is no formal registration process for LTTE suspects overseen by an independent agency, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). Given the Sri Lanka dark history of “disappearing” thousands of opponents, there is a legitimate fear some LTTE suspects have been disappeared. The former UN spokesperson Gorden Weiss wrote in Canadian newspaper Globe and Mail on August 28 that “the UN is currently reviewing 5,749 cases of Sri Lanka’s disappearance”. On top of that, a few video footages where seemingly rebels prisoners got shot by the soldiers in army uniform at point blank or tortured to ‘apparent’ death, have been disclosed by various rights groups.
Another incident that Jeya talked of, strokes such fears.
“One day morning the army said three detainees, who did not show up at the gathering for national anthem, ran away the previous night”.
When asked if he believed it, he said
“Well, we had to believe whatever the army said. But the camp’s surrounded with twofold fences and heavily guarded by armed soldiers. We were told if anyone tried to run away, soldiers would shoot immediately”
‘Enforced disappearance’ feared
Jeya claims he was not a LTTE cadre. He was one of many who were transferred from Internally Displaced Persons (or IDPs) camp to various detention centers including the so-called ‘rehabilitaion centers’. When his family was about to be released in August last year, the army held him back in the camp. Left alone, he had been subject to the army interrogation about 15 times until he was taken to one of the ‘rehabilitation camps’ in November.
“For the first 4-5 times, they heavily assaulted me as soon as I entered the army office in the IDPs camp to be interrogated. They said ‘somebody said you are LTTE’. If I denied, they said I had to prove it and again assaulted me with cricket bat. I have difficulty breathing because of that assaults. There were many boys like me” said Jeya.
According to IDPs in ‘Zone 4’ camp, which is one of several IDPs camps, there were roundups of youths aged between 17 and 25 in the IDPs camp last year in the camp. It was happening around July and August during the time when lots of people escaped from the camp by one way or another.
“First they took boys and 1 or 2 days later girls as well. Some parents were crying out as the army took more than one child from one family. Then army released one or two. The army seemed to believe that the remained youths couldn’t dare to escape because they were LTTE” said Rani (21).
As for Jeya, he was transferred from ‘Zone 2’ IDPs camp to ‘rehabilitaion center’ in Vavunya, where he was not much interrogated but did hard labor. This is not the case of another former detainee Suganthy (36), who was fighting the last battle field.
“They interrogated me till last moment of release in April. For 11 months’ captivity, different interrogators have asked me same questions in repeat. They didn’t believe what I answered”
Suganthy believed that the army intelligent was questioning her relying on the LTTE files. They asked, for example, ‘which battlefield were you fighting for?’, ‘which year were you fighting in?’ and ‘what time did you go to the battle field and what time did you come back (in that particular battle)?’. “They said they knew everything so I shouldn’t lie” she said.
Suganthy has been a political cadre after she lost one leg in a battle in 1995. She was dealing all statistics and datas of ‘Tamil Eelam’. But ‘Tamil Eelam’ was about to collapse early 2009 when its ‘capital’ Killinochchi was run over by the government forces.
“Just before the fall of Killinochchi, Jawan, the director of Voice of Tiger –the radio station of the rebels -came to us disabled cadres. He said there’s an order that all cadres now to fight”
Suganthy were positioned at second line along with other disabled cadres and the suicide unit Black Tigers. The battle turned to be extremely fierce from May 13. When the front line was collapsed on May 15th, she retreated with her injured companion.
“There were piles of dead bodies and injured people. No distinction between civilians and cadres. No place for the newly wounded. No commands anymore. The cadre in charge of the place told me I’d better to move towards the government side”
At Omanthai checkpoint on May 19th, she was taken to one of ‘rehabilitation center’ in Vavunya. She couldn’t hide anymore that she was a Tamil Tigers, because there were ex-LTTE cadres companying the army to pick out their former comrades. “I didn’t surrender” said Suganthy.
Although female cadres have not been much assaulted in a ‘rehabilitation center’ Comparing to male cadres who were heavily assaulted, female soldiers would beat them up with sticks if the detainees violate bath time.
“We were allowed to take a bath from 10 am to 1pm. There was no washing facility in my block of the camp. So we were guided to other block by the army. There was no covering wall in the bath well. There used to be, but fallen down. Nobody care of bringing new wall”
Even if she was released, Suganthy has been intimidated by Intelligence. They have visited her home and asked the family where she was if she was not at home.
“I’ve got a new job thanks to my computer skills and experience of administration work. But intelligence asked me I have to submit or prove that I’m really working there. I don’t feel I’m free”
Release followed by Intimidation
Without monitoring by independent institutions and lack of transparent legal process, International Committee of Jurists (or ICJ) in its recent report, termed it ‘the largest mass administrative detention anywhere in the world’. The ICJ noted the fact that “565 children associated with the LTTE were held in separate rehabilitation centers monitored freely by UNICEF and all released” as a positive development.
However, it criticized that the Government’s ‘surrendee’ and ‘rehabilitation’ regime fails to adhere to international law and standards, jeopardizing the rights to liberty, due process and fair trial. Brigadier Ranasinghe denounce this criticism, saying “International Community and international journalists write what they want without evidence. Reality is different”. Regarding access for ICRC to the “rehabilitation centers”, the brigadier answered ;
“You have to ask higher authority. I’m only working on the ground”
ICRC has no access to ‘rehabilitation centers’ as well as IDPs camps in Vavunya since July 2009. “But we have access to other type of detention centers including Boosa camp and some police detention centers, as we have visited them for many years” said Sarasi Wijeratne spokesperson of ICRC in Colombo.
As LTTE suspects have been detained all these various detention centers, some could be touched by ICRC while majority are not. But this is far from
adequate monitoring of the treatment of LTTE suspects. The detention of LTTE suspects is a “don’t ask” issue in Sri Lanka – along with the war crime allegations -.
However, the mass detention of LTTE suspect is a critical point in post-war era, As LTTE has had so pervasive influence in Tamil community, many of Tamil populations are affected by it one way or another. Thousands of people, who made a queue before the Lesson Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (or LLRC) – the president appointed commission – were reportedly looking for their missing family, who they believe are in the army detention.
When I asked Buddima, the wife of detained aid worker as a LTTE ‘suspect’, what was a top priority for her family’s resettlement, she simply replied,
“My husband back”
*Name of detainees and their family are pseudonym for security reason.
Relevant publications at
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/45873
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/183988.wenig-versoehnliches-auf-sri-lanka.html
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28322.html
and reproduced at various others
죽어도 떠나는 사람들
[세계]물에 빠져 죽고 돌아와 맞아 죽어도 스리랑카를 탈출하는 보트피플…
오스트레일리아 등은 타밀족 난민 인정을 회피해
글 싣는 순서
1회: ‘접근 금지’ 비밀 수용소의 참상
2회: 피난민 재정착 지역 잠입 취재
▶3회: 안전한 곳을 찾아 떠난 보트피플
* 아래 기사는 지면관계상 실리지 못한 내용을 포함하였습니다
“엄마가 죽었어”
‘내가 바로 그 아무개 기자…’ 라며 소개하는 필자에게 수젠드란 구나세카람(27)이 ‘대뜸’ 건넨 첫 인사가 딱 그랬다. 20대 후반 청년이라기 보다는 울음보 터지기 직전의 어린애 같았다. 그럴만도 했다. 지난 해 10월 초 말레이시아에서 호주로 향하는 난민밀항선에 올랐던 그가 우여곡절 끝에 스리랑카로 돌아온 건 오로지 엄마의 병 때문이었다. 그렇게 돌아온 외아들은 공항에서부터 연행되었고, 고문실의 상징인 “4층”, 범죄 수사국(CID)과 악명 높은 부사 캠프로 이송되며 고문에 시달렸다. 그리고 올해 1월 풀려났다. 지난 해 연행 소식을 듣고 필자는 수젠드란을 원거리 취재하며 간간히 교신해왔다. 고문 후유증과 여전한 협박을 견디며 엄마를 간호해왔는데, 귀국의 이유였던 엄마는 9월 6일 세상을 떠났다. 향년 56살.
4년간 이어진 휴전이 어긋나며 전쟁이 고조되던 2006년 이래 타밀족이라는 이유만으로 납치와 고문의 위협에 노출된 수많은 젊은이들이 각종 브로커선을 타고 인근 국가로 빠져나왔다. 인도계 타밀족이 인구의 7%를 차지하는 말레이시아는 소통의 어려움도 덜 겪고 잘하면 일자리도 얻을 수 있는 ‘선호국’이다. 수젠드란도 2009년 6월 말레이시아로 갔다. 거기서 밀항선박 브로커를 만나 10월 초 난민선박에 올랐던 게다.
수젠드란은 난민 밀항선에 올랐다가 호주정부의 보트난민 거부대응으로 인도네시아에 정박했다. 우여곡절끝에 스리랑카로 돌아간 그를 기다린 건 구속과, 고문이다. 아무런 혐의가 발견되지 않아 풀려난 그지만 여전히 불안한 시간을 보내고 있다. 수젠드란 처럼 난민으로 받아들여지지 않아 자의반 타의반 귀국하거나, 강제 송환된 수많은 난민 신청자들이 실종, 체포, 고문의 위협에 노출된 게 스리랑카의 전후 현실이다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
그는 말레이시아 남부 도시 조호루바루(Johor Baru) 인근 정글에서 짧게는 열흘, 길게는 한달가량 숨어지내던 253명의 또다른 타밀난민들과 함께 제야 레스타리(Jeya Lestari)호에 올랐다. 그런데 열흘도 되지 않아 배가 엔진고장을 일으켰다. 많은 짐들을 바다에 버렸고, 인도네시아에서 엔진을 갈려던 참에 해군 경비정에 걸렸다. 자바섬 끝자락 메락(Merak)에 강제로 정박한 난민들은 이때부터 시위를 벌였다.
“제노사이드가 벌어지는 스리랑카에서 살수 없다”, “호주가 아니면 내리지 않겠다”
그 즈음 78명의 타밀난민을 태운 또 다른 배 한척이 조난을 당해 호주해군이 구출하는 일이 벌어졌다. 그러나 해군은 구출한 난민들을 호주가 아닌 인도네시아 영해로 데리고 갔다. 당시 호주 총리 캐빈 러드는 난민 배를 막기 위해 인도네시아 수실로 밤방 유도요노대통령에게 직접 전화까지 걸었다. ‘돈을 댈테니 인도네시아 손에서 해결하라’고, 이른 바 ‘인도네시아 솔류션’ (Indonesia Solution)이다. 수많은 난민들이 세월 모르고 갇혀 있는 인도네시아 빈탕 섬의 탄중 피낭(Tanjung Pinang) 수용소는 그렇게 난민들을 거부하는 ‘호주 머니’로 지어진 것이다.
난민을 거부하는 ‘호주 머니’
타밀 난민들에 대한 국제적 혐오반응은 머나먼 캐나다까지 이어지고 있다. 8월 13일 캐나다 벤쿠버에 도착한 난민선박 MV Sun Sea 는 도착하기 전부터 캐나다와 미국의 모니터 망에 걸려들었다. 492명을 태운 이 밀항선은 3개월 전 타이 남부 송클라항을 출발해 단 한명만 목숨을 잃은 기적같은 항해를 치뤘다. 캐나다 영해에 들어서면서부터 현지 방송들이 생중계를 할 정도로 관심이 높았던 이 선박을 두고 캐나다 공공안전부 장관 빅 토우(Vic Towe)는 “테러리스트와 인신매매단이 배후에 있다”고 말했다. 여기에 스리랑카 정부의 프로파간다까지 더해지면서 ‘테러리스트 보트’가 언론을 달궜다. 스리랑카 전쟁 막바지 콜롬보 유엔 대표부 대변인을 지낸 골든 와이스는 이와 관련, 캐나나 일간지 ‘메일 엔 글로브’(Mail and Globe) 8월 28일자 기고문을 통해 “누가 보트피플이 안보를 위협한다고 말하는가”고 일침을 가하기도 했다.
냉정히 말해보자. 지리적 근접성 때문에 난민들이 가장 선호하는 호주의 경우 돈 있는 이들은 미화 4만 달러를 주고 가짜 비자를 여권에 박아 비행기를 타고 간다. 그게 안되는 이는 1만 6천 달러를 주고 보트를 타지만 그마저 없는 이들이 투성이다. 보다 더 높은 수치로 공항에 도착하는 이들은 감금생활없이 난민심사를 받는 반면, 보트피플들은 온갖 인종주의적 수사(修辭)에 직면함은 물론, 난민 심사기간 이민국 수용소에 갇혀 지낸다. 올해 초 알자지라는 호주에서 보트피플 중 난민으로 받아들여지는 경우가 한해 평균 200명에 불과하고, 비행기 타고 온 이들은 평균 2,200명이 난민으로 인정받는다고 전했다. 이에 반해 주로 영어권 출신 관광객인 주를 이루는 장기불법 체류자는 약 5500명이나 된다고 한다. 그럼에도 불구하고 호주정부의 보트피플에 대한 제노포비아적 반응은 올해 4월 보트피플의 다수를 이루는 스리랑카 난민과 아프간 난민(절대 다수는 소수 ‘하자라족’)들 난민 심사를 각각 3개월, 6개월간 중단하는데 이르기도 했다.
이런 차별에도 불구하고 보트난민들이 ‘죽어도’ 호주나 캐나다등에 닿길 원하는데는 이유가 있다. 이들이 스리랑카를 탈출하면서 도착하는 말레이시아, 타이, 인도, 인도네시아, 인도 등은 제네바 난민협약에 가입하지 않아 보호는 커녕 대량구속과 본국강제송환될 위험이 항상 도사리고 있다. 지난 10월 6일 방콕 북부 사판마이 지역에서 130명 가량의 스리랑카 타밀난민들이 대거 연행된 건 좋은 본보기이다. 일부 언론은 “또 다른 타밀난민들이 보트 탈 준비를 하는 것 같다”는 방콕내 캐나다 정보국의 팁으로 단속이 이뤄졌다고 전했다. 방콕의 유엔난민기구(UNHCR) 키티 맥킨시 대변인은 <한겨레21>과의 전화 통화에서 2달된 아기까지 연행한 이 단속을 강하게 비판했다.
“18명이 4살 미만 어린이고, 4명의 임산부도 끼어 있다. 밀항 브로커 조직을 단속하는 건 이해하겠는데, 작금의 단속은 밀항 브로커를 제대로 겨냥하고 있지 않다. 진짜 난민과 불법 이주자를 구분하지 않고…”
이런 식으로 연행되는 난민들이 갇히는 방콕 이민성 감옥에는 ‘7년 장기수’가 있고, 인도네시아 난민 수용소에는 ‘10년 장기수’가 있다. 유엔난민기구가 인정한 난민카드를 지니고 있어도 별 소용이 없다. 게다가 언제부턴가 스리랑카 난민들은 전 세계 24개 국가들이 난민들의 재정착을 받아주는 이른바 ‘난민 제 3국 정착’ 프로그램에서도 찬밥이다. 타밀 호랑이 반군이 전 세계 32개국에서 테러리스트로 찍힌 효과는 그들의 사후에도 지독하게 적용되고 있다.
두 달 된 아기를 단속하기도
말레이시아에서 호주로 향하는 난민선에 오르기 직전 단속에 걸렸던 타밀 젊은이들. 그들은 '다음 배'를 기다린다. 수많은 난민들이 항해길에 물에 빠져죽고, 난민인정을 거부당하는 현실에 아랑곳없이 안전하게만 살 수 있다면 어디든 가겠다고 말한다 (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
정체된 난민심사, ‘제 3국 정착’ 프로그램 차별, 타밀난민들이 피난처를 찾기 위해 선택할 수 있는 폭은 그리 넓지 않아 보인다. 이들의 절박함은 여러차례의 조난사고가 가슴 아프게 반영하고 있다. 지난 6월 초 12명의 난민을 태운 보트가 뒤집혀 몰사당한 사건을 비롯, 5월 에는 호주 당국이 모니터하던 5명의 난민보트가 대양에 잠겼다. 지난 해 11월에도 호주 영해 코코스 섬 부근에서 보트가 뒤집혀 12명이 빠져 죽었고, 그 한달 전인 10월에는 100명의 타밀 난민을 태운 보트가 호주로 떠났지만 여전히 감감 무소식이다.
“물론! 기회만 되면 다시 탄다. 여기선 아무것도 보호받을 수 없다. 안전하게 살수만 있다면 무슨 일이든 할 수 있다”
이렇게 호언하던 네 명의 타밀청년은 말레이시아 남부 조호르 바루에서 호주행 밀항선에 오르기 하루전인 2009년 9월 8일 단속에 걸렸드랬다. 그러나 ‘다음 선박’을 타겠다는 이들의 의지는 강고했다. “내일 당장이라도 배에 오를 각오는 물론 죽을 각오도 되어 있다” 고 말했다. 온갖 종류의 친정부 타밀 민병대가 설치는 와우니아 지방에서 마을 남자들의 릴레이 실종을 보며 말레이시아로 온 칸다사미 마니발라완 (44), 2009년 2월 마저 탈출나온 아들의 교육때문에 배 타기를 희망했다.
“말레이시아에선 내 아들이 공부를 할 수가 없다. 아들이 공부할 수 있는 곳으로 갈수만 있다면 배를 탈 거다”
한편, 메락에 정박했던 254명의 시위가 세상의 관심을 잃어가는 사이 세 명이 사망했다. 한 명은 응급조치를 받지 못해서, 두명은 호주로 밀항하던 중 물에 빠졌다. 또 다른 두명은 앞서 언급한 캐나다 행 엠브이 선 씨(MV Sun Sea) 에 다시 올랐다. 올해 4월 모두 강제하선한 후 탄중 피낭 수용소에 갇혔던 이들은 그중 75명이 수용소를 탈출하여 또 다시 밀항선을 타고 결국 호주에 닿았다. 122명만이 현재 수용소에 있는 것으로 알려졌다.
“봐라. 수단과 방법을 가리지 않는다. 위험을 알면서도 다시 밀항브로커에게 또 다른 돈을 지불하고 호주로 오지 않는가. 호주 정부가 지금 밀항업자들의 배를 불려주고 있는 꼴이다”
호주의 난민운동가 사라 네이뜬의 따끔한 지적이다.
또 다시 탈출을 갈구하는 건 수젠드란도 마찬가지다. 어머니의 병환때문에 일찌감치 국제이주기구(IOM)가 마련해준 항공권으로 IOM 가방을 들고 귀국한 수젠드란에게 전쟁이 끝난 스리랑카는 전혀 안전하지 않기 때문이다.
고문당했다고 말하면 더 심한 고문에 시달려
2009년 11월 26일 오전 1시, 콜롬보 외곽 반다라나이케 공항 입국 심사대에 도착해 여권 심사를 받던 수젠드란은 이민성 직원이 부른 세 명의 범죄 수사국 (CID) 직원의 손에 끌려갔다. 타밀어를 못하는 그들은 수젠드란을 사무실에 앉혀 놓고 나가버렸고, 바로 얼마 후 동부 바띠깔로아 억양의 타밀어를 말하는 이가 들어왔다. “카루나 당”(주1 ) 에서 온 이가 분명했다. 그는 방에 들어서자마자 수젠드란을 ‘패기’ 시작했다.
“네가 갖고 있는 그 IOM 가방…걔네 구호물자로 가장해서 타밀 호랑이에게 무기 조달한 단체 아냐. 네가 그 일에 관여했구! 맞아 안 맞아?!”
한 바탕 구타를 치른 후 수젠드란은 다시 범죄 수사국 직원들 손에 이끌려 녹색 지프차에 올랐다. 검은 천으로 눈이 가려져 죽으러 가는줄 알았는데, 도착한 곳은 “4층”, 범죄 수사국이었다. 그리고 12월 3일 부사 캠프로 이송되었다.
“눈 부위를 특히 많이 맞았고 초첨을 못맞추겠어. 정부가 운영하는 병원에 가면 의사가 어쩌다 눈이 그렇게 되었냐고 물을 거고 그러면 고문 사실을 알려야 하는데, 내 기록이 들어가면 또 나를 잡아갈 거 아냐. 게다가 정부 병원 싱할라 의사들은 타밀어를 못해”
싱할라어를 조금 알아듣지만, 읽지는 못하는 수젠드란은 그러나 싱할라어로 적힌 어머니의 진료 기록을 잘 보관하고 있다. 그리고 자신은 “민주사회주의 공화국 스리랑카” 에서 무상으로 제공하는 의료혜택을 ‘거부하고’ 있었다. 의료비가 비싼 개인 병원은 엄두도 못내고 있다.
‘정부 병원’에 대한 그의 두려움은 과대망상만은 아닌 듯 했다. 현지 인권운동가들에 따르면, 다른 곳에서 심문을 당하다 부사 캠프로 이송된 수감자들이 캠프에 도착하자마자 만나는 면담 의사에게 이전 감옥에서 고문이 있었노라 밝힐 경우 더 심한 고문을 당한다. 수감자와 의사의 면담 기록이 부사캠프 당국자에게 전해진다고 어렵지 않게 추정되는 부분이다. 수젠드란 역시 12월 3일 도착한 부사캠프에서 ‘고문을 당했냐’고 묻는 의사에게 ‘아니오’라고 답했단다. 의사가 떠난 후 수젠드란은 거꾸로 매달리면서 본격적인 고문을 받기 시작했다. “무기는 어디있나?” “자금을 모았는가?” 등의 질문과 함께 철체 파이프와 자전거 부속품 등으로 맞고 벽으로 내동댕이 쳐지기도 했다. 2009년 12월 3일 오후, 지옥같은 세 시간이 그렇게 흘렀다. 올해 1월 20일 수젠드란은 30 여명의 수감자들과 함께 석방되었다. 그러나 그와 함께 석방되었던 이들 중 두 명은 다시 실종되었다. 수젠드란 역시 5월 21일 범죄 수사국 직원의 협박성 전화를 받은 후 휴대폰 심카드를 바꿨다. 그는 현재 스리랑카 국내에서 유일하게 난민 신청을 할 수 있는 스위스 대사관에 난민 비자를 신청한 상태다. 이 비자를 신청한 이는 수천명에 이른다.
그리고 지난 10월 6일, 수젠드란과 같은 배에 탔던 젊은이 세 명이 다시 자발적으로 스리랑카로 왔다. 이들 역시 공항에서 ‘실종’되었고, 수소문 끝에 “4층” 에 있는 것으로 밝혀졌다. IOM과 UNHCR 모두 탄중 피낭 수용소 난민들에게 본국으로 가지 말것을 권고한 상태다. 국제 위기 그룹 역시 지난 5월 발표한 스리랑카 전범 보고서에서 국제사회를 향해 타밀 난민 신청자(asylum seekers)들은 물론 (해외로 빠져나온) 타밀 호랑이 대원들까지도 본국 송환하지 말것을 권고한 바 있다.
이처럼 연행과 고문으로 이어지는 본국 송환에 대한 두려움은 난민신청자들의 자살과 자해 그리고 정신질환으로 이어지고 있다. 호주 시드니의 빌라우드 난민 수용소에 12개월 갇혀 있다 난민심사에서 거부당한 슈레스 쿠마르. 그가 지난 23일 정신이상 증세를 보이기 시작했다고 난민운동가 사라 네이뜬은 전했다. 대학시절 군에 끌려가 고문당했던 쿠마르는 전쟁 막바지 살아 남았다가 탈출한 난민신청자다. 아울러, 9월 20일 오후 1시부터 30시간 가까이 빌라우드 수용소 지붕위에 올라 뛰어내리겠다고 시위를 벌인 11명의 다국적 난민들의 모습 역시 이들이 직면한 본국 송환의 두려움을 여실히 보여주었다. 이날 오전 본국 송환 통지를 받은 피지(Fuji)출신 40대 남성은 결국 뛰어내려 사망하는 일도 벌어졌다.
이런 현실에 아랑곳없이 난민문제를 밀항브로커 혹은 ‘인신매매’ 의제로 전환하는 호주, 캐나다 등과 스리랑카 정부는 ‘인신매매 브로커’들을 검거하겠다는 강력한 의지로 상호 협력을 아까지 않고 있다. 콜롬보 주재 호주 대사관의 경우 범죄수사국(CID)과 물적지원과 정보 교류를 나누고 있다. 싱할라족 보트피플로 지난 해 10월 5일 강제 송환된 수미스 멘디(30)는 연행과 석방을 반복하다 지난 8월 14일 다시 연행되었고 고문당했다. 그는 고등법원에 제출한 소장에서 다음과 같이 밝히고 있다.
싱할라족 보트 피플로 떠났다가 강제 송환된 후 체포된 수미스 멘디(30)의 가족들. 수미스는 어린 아들과 가족들이 보는 앞에서 경찰에게 구타와 갖은 수모를 당했다. 밀항선 네트워크를 단속하겠다며 스리랑카 정부와 호주정부는 협력을 아끼지 않지만, 스리랑카 당국은 수미스를 취조하며 밀항선 네트워크에 대해 묻기 보다는 타밀 호랑이 재건여부를 집중 추궁했다고 가족과 변호사들은 말한다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
“고문 당해 바닥에 쓰러져 있는 나를 아시아계 얼굴의 호주 대사관 직원이 봤다. 그는 내가 강제 송환자인 걸 잘 아는 이다. 그는 그 부서 (밀항브로커 수사팀)를 돕고 작은 냉장고를 기증하러 거기에 왔었다”
수미스는 아들, 아내 가족들 앞에서 경관에게 구타를 당하는 수모를 겪었다. 가족들에 따르면 싱할라족인 그에 대한 고문과 심문은 엉뚱하게도 “타밀 호랑이 재 조직화를 도와준 혐의”에 모아지고 있다. 실제로 그의 밀항선을 조직화한 선박 주인은 며칠 수사만 받고 풀려났다. 또 다른 싱할라족 보트피플로 지난 해 11월 4일 강제 송환된 후 사라 폰세카 야당 대통령 후보의 선거운동을 돕기도 했던 라산다 위제라트나 (31) 역시 보트피플시절 타밀난민들과 친하게 지냈던 ‘친 타밀 성향’을 집중 추궁받고 있는 것으로 알려졌다.
‘밀항 브로커들’ 망을 파고드는 수사보다 이미 무찔렀다고 자랑스럽게 선전한 반군유령을 좇는 스리랑카 정부, ‘국경보호’와 안보를 내세우며 전범 논란에 오른 정부와 협력하는 호주, 캐나다 그리고 여타 난민협약국가들. 이들 사이에서 스리랑카 보트피플들이 처한 처참한 현실은 “난민이 되려면 용기가 필요하다”와 같은 유엔캠페인 구호를 실감나게 하고 있다.
콜롬보, 칠라우, 가네물라, 니곰보 (스리랑카)/ 쿠알라룸푸르, 조호루바루(말레이시아)/방콕(타이) = 이유경 penseur21@hotmail.com
주1. 카루나는 전 타밀 호랑이 동부 사령관으로 2004년 정부진영으로 넘어간 후 타밀 민병대를 운영하며 타밀 호랑이 반군과 대치해왔다. 그의 민병대는 수많은 인권침해와 타밀인 납치에 연루되어 왔다. 타고난 전투력을 발휘하던 카루나의 ‘배신’과 그가 스리랑카 정부군에 제공한 타밀 지역 교전 정보는 타밀 타이거가 패배에 결정적 원인 중 하나로 꼽히고 있다. 카루나는 현재 ‘재정착부’ 장관이다.
관련 기사<한겨레21> [2010.11.05 제834호]
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28413.html
전쟁이 끝나자 군정이 들어선 타밀 지역
[세계] 빈손으로 내몰린 피난민 재정착촌, 이동의 자유도 없는 난민캠프…
검문소 군인만 촘촘한 스리랑카 북부를 가다
글 싣는 순서
① ‘접근 금지’ 비밀 수용소의 참상
② 피난민 재정착 지역 잠입 취재
③ 안전한 곳을 찾아 떠난 보트피플
» 싱할라족 군인은 점령군이 되어 북부 지방 곳곳에 있다. 마나르 지역 골목에서 검문을 서고 있는 군인들과 이들을 보는 민간인들. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
스리랑카 북부는 군인 천지다. 서부 마나르에서 북부 관문 도시 와우니아를 거쳐 오랜 반군 통치 지역이던 와니 지방까지, 어디를 가든 군인들의 소총(AK47) 밖으로 시야를 던지는 게 불가능하다. 북부 타밀 지역을 이어주는 간선도로(A9) 위 오만타이 검문소에서는 여전히 통행자를 샅샅이 검사하고, 북부에서 내려오는 이들의 가방을 수색했다. 와우니아 타운에서 오만타이 검문소까지 4km를 이동하는 동안 이미 세 차례 검문을 받은 뒤에도 말이다.
타밀인 밀집 지역인 북부의 ‘군사화’는 종전 이전에 일찌감치 정부군 손에 넘어간 ‘마나르~와우니아’ 80km 도로에 늘어선 군 초소나 마나르 지역에서 본보기로 드러난 바다. 마나르에는 무장한 해군들이 한적한 마을 골목을 지키고 서 있다. 그나마 전쟁이 끝난 터라 골목에 선 군인들이 마을 주민을 불러 세우는 일은 현저히 줄었다.
마나르 와우니아 약 80km 가량 되는 도로 양편으로는 맑은 하늘 아래 심한 벌목현상과 군 초소가 자리잡고 있다 (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
“말도 마라. 시내에 한번 나가려면 몇 개 검문소를 거쳐야 했는지….” 마나르의 ㅅ마을 타밀족 주민들은 하나같이 ‘이리 와’ ‘저리 가’ ‘가방 열어’와 같은 검문소 ‘명령어’만은 싱할라어로 줄줄 읊었다. 반면 싱할라족으로만 구성된 군인들은 타밀어를 전혀 할 줄 몰랐다. 하여, 영문 모르고 검문소에 붙들려도 하소연 한마디 할 수 없던 게 타밀족이 자기 땅에서 겪어온 수십 년의 수모다. 그 검문소에서 마지막으로 목격되고 사라진 남편, 아들, 그리고 딸의 실종사건은 마을에서 그리 특별한 얘깃거리가 아니었다.
주류 싱할라족 군인과 소수 타밀족 주민간 말이 통하지 않는 검문소. 그 검문소에 걸려 군인들의 질문에 답변을 제대로 할 수 없었던 무고한 시민들이 끌려갔고 실종되었다. 사진 속 여인(35세)의 남편 역시 2007년 북부 한 검문소에서 마지막으로 목격된 후 소식이 없다. 경찰서를 비롯 여러 인권단체들에 남편 실종사건을 신고하고 받은 신고서가 그녀의 두 손에 한 가득이다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
9월 중순께, 피난민(IDPs) 캠프에서 풀려난 이들이 ‘재정착’했다는 마나르 ㅇ마을로 향했다. 주요 검문소는 무사통과했지만 이후에도 군 초소가 시시각각 나타났다. 멀쩡한 건물은 별로 없었다. 다만 화장실 몇 개가 꼿꼿이 서 있거나 총탄 자국이 난 폐허들이 나뭇가지로 덮인 채 남아 있다. 화장실 위치를 보고 ‘여기쯤 집이 있었지’라고 감을 잡는다는 게 주민들의 말이다. 1990년대 초반 폭격을 맞은 교회는 이제 재건 작업이 한창이다. “교회를 지으려고 해도 정부가 건축자재 반입을 허용하지 않은데다 수리할 만하면 싸움이 시작됐다.” 그렇게 20년 가까이 교회 건물에 손대지 못했다고 마을의 신부는 설명했다.
재정착 마을엔 집도 식량도 부족해
전쟁으로 피난 갔다 ‘재정착 프로그램’에 따라 고향 땅으로 돌아온 주민들에게는 임시 가옥용으로 국제이주기구(IOM)가 양철판과 시멘트를 제공한다. 더운 날은 안에서 견딜 수 없고, 10월에 시작되는 우기에는 물이 차기 쉬운 임시 가옥이다. 최근 한 구호단체가 우기를 앞두고 벽돌 자재를 보급하기 시작했다는데, 우기는 코앞이고 벽돌집은 가물에 콩 나듯 눈에 들어왔다. 이 밖에 유엔고등판무관사무소(UNHCR)가 2만5천루피(약 25만원)의 정착금을 지원하고, 세계식량기구(WFP)는 6개월간 기본적인 식량을 제공한다. 약 1년 전 재정착을 시작한 이 마을 주민들은 그나마 지난 8월까지 WFP의 식량 지원을 받았지만, 전쟁 때문에 5년간 농사짓지 못한 땅에 이제 막 씨를 뿌린 뒤 식량 지원이 끝났다. 주민들은 “수확을 하기까지 4개월은 걸리는데 그때까지 먹을 게 없다”고 한숨을 지었다.
전기는 24시간 전혀 들어오지 않았고, 천주교 단체인 카리타스(Caritas)가 학생이 있는 집에 우선적으로 태양열 랜턴을 일부 제공했다. 물은 우물 물을 끓여 마시지만 “마실 만해서가 아니라 달리 방법이 없어서”라고 주민 란지타(32·가명)는 말한다. 이 마을에는 의료시설이나 의사가 없다. 그 전에 싱할라족 의사가 한 명 있었지만, 의사소통의 어려움 때문에 잘못 처방하는 경우도 있었다고 주민들은 말했다. 그래도 구호단체 관계자들은 이 마을을 ‘베스트’ 재정착지로 꼽았다. 한 비정부기구(NGO) 직원은 “사나르 지역으로 간 주민들은 임시 가옥의 뼈대와 지붕 정도만 주어진 채 밀림 속에 던져지다시피 했다”고 전했다.
재정착 지역의 현장조사를 담당하는 공무원 산지브(31·가명)가 전하는 현실도 이를 뒷받침했다. 총 150가구가 재정착한 페리아마두, 타제나마두, 팔리아뤼 등지의 주민들은 임시 가옥 자재마저 없는 빈손이라고 산지브는 밝혔다. 그럼에도 정부는 이들에 대한 구호단체의 접근을 허용하지 않고 있다. “8월에 재정착한 이들에게는 화장실이 없고, 9월2일 재정착한 주민들에겐 지붕이 될 만한 덮개 하나만 달랑 주었고….” 말단 공무원 산지브는 답답해했다.
‘구호’와 ‘NGO’에 대한 스리랑카 정부의 알레르기는 참 지독했다. 한 NGO는 단체명 마크가 없는 차량을 이용하도록 권고받았다. 또 다른 NGO는 ㅇ마을에 농사용 펌프를 기부하려 했지만, NGO 차량 진입이 허용되지 않아 주민들이 와서 펌프를 가져갔다고 전했다.
열악한 재정착지에서 가장 크고 건실하게 서 있는 건물이 바로 군 캠프라는 점은 종전 뒤 스리랑카 북부의 진실을 말해주는 대목이다. 반군으로 몰려 남편이 수감 중인 라즈니(28·가명)가 고향 복귀의 첫 소감으로 “공포스러웠다”고 속삭인 것도 그런 진실의 단면이었다. “이곳은 오랜 세월 타밀엘람해방호랑이(LTTE) 통치 지역이었고, 우린 스리랑카 군인들로 둘러싸인 환경에 익숙지 않아….” 그녀의 이어지는 속삭임이다. 9살 소녀 데보라처럼 반군의 징병제에 끌려간 오빠를 둔 아이에겐 무장 군인이 정부군과 반군의 이미지를 복합적으로 연상시키며 고통을 가중했다.
돌아간 고향에도 편히 머무를 집은 없다. 마나르에 재정착한 주민들이 정부군의 공세로 무너진 교회를 재건하고 있다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
재정착에 밀려 더욱 참담한 난민캠프
“마나르 쪽은 아무것도 아니다. 킬리노치, 물라이티브 쪽으로 가봐라. 민간인보다 군인이 훨씬 더 많다. 모든 마을이 군 점령 지대다.” 외부인의 출입이 좀처럼 허용되지 않는 지역을 방문한 타밀민족동맹(TNA) 소속 국회의원 슈레스 프리마찬드란은 전화 인터뷰에서 열변을 토했다. 그는 지난 9월 기자회견에서 “지난 6월 물라이티브 비수와마두 지역으로 풀려난 255가구 1215명의 주민이 물라이티브 사령관의 불허로 자기 고향에 정착하지 못한 채 인근 학교 등에 집단 거주하고 있다”고 폭로했다. 물론 이들에게 구호의 손길은 전혀 닿지 못하고 있다.
스리랑카 정부가 “올해 말까지 재정착을 완료하겠다”고 말한 게 지난해 중반으로 종전 직후다. 그해 8월부터 난민을 ‘석방’하기 시작했고, 유엔 인도주의업무조정국(OHCA)이 올해 8월31일 발표한 자료에 따르면 난민 25만8846명이 석방됐다. 고향으로 돌아가거나, 친적집 혹은 중간 캠프캠프(난민 캠프에서 재정착지로 가면서 거치는 캠프)로 풀려난 이들을 모두 합친 수치다. 그리고 여전히 피난민 캠프에는 난민 3만 명 이상이 남아 있다. 난민에게는 지난해 12월1일부터 제한적으로 이동의 자유가 주어지고 있다. 그러나 정해진 날짜까지 캠프로 복귀하지 않으면 ‘처벌’이 가해진다.
“내 블록(C5)에 같이 머물던 20대 중반의 청년은 한 달이 지나서야 돌아왔는데, 그 때문에 구타를 당한 뒤 반군 수용소로 끌려가는 것 같았다. 나중에 알고 보니, 부모님의 병세가 악화돼 와우니아 병원에서 콜롬보로 옮겨드리고 간호하다 늦게 돌아왔다고 한다.”
‘존 4’ 난민캠프에서 열흘간 외출 허가를 받고 나온 부디마(21·가명)의 목격담이다. 부디마의 말을 더 들어보니 재정착이 진행되면서 피난민 캠프는 찬밥이 된 듯했다. “선생님을 할 만한 사람이 다 풀려난 뒤에도 학교는 운영되지 않는다.# NGO의 급수차가 나눠주던 마실 물이 8월부터 더 이상 들어오지 않아 난민들은 캠프 안 펌프물을 마시고 있다. 24시간 들어오던 전기도 8월부터는 하루 5시간이 고작이다.”
전쟁 막판에 온 가족을 잃고 혼자 살아남은 사라(35)는 캠프에서 고독한 생활을 하고 있다. 그는 “채소가 없어 밥과 ‘달’(남아시아의 주요한 부식인 콩죽 겸 커리)만 먹을 때가 많다. 전에는 비누도 있었는데 그것도 배급이 중단됐고, 커리·고춧가루 등도 지난 석 달간 배급이 전부 중단됐다”고 말했다.
부디마와 사라의 증언은 실제로 OCHA의 6월 보고서와 맞아떨어진다. 보고서는 “마실 물 공급은 7월 말쯤 끝날 것으로 예상된다” “미국의 대외원조기구인 국제개발처(USAID)가 제공하던 피난민 식량이 5월31일 중단됐다” “피난민 지원을 위한 모든 필수품이 요구수준에 심각하게 못 미치고, 피난민 지원단체에 대한 거부도 위험한 수준”이라고 적고 있다.
‘라자팍세 왕국’화되는 스리랑카
30년 전쟁이 종지부를 찍은 지 1년6개월, 스리랑카 정부는 지금 난민의 생존권보다는 타밀 지역의 군사화와 장기집권 음모에 여념이 없다. 스리랑카의 군부 사정에 정통한 한 소식통은 종전 뒤 1년간 스리랑카 군의 수가 17만5천여 명에서 23만여 명으로 불어났고 앞으로 30만 명을 목표로 한다고 밝혔다. 북부 지역에는 현재 지역 사령관의 허가 없이는 어떤 민간 행정도 이행되지 못하는 ‘군사행정부’가 들어서 있다. 전쟁이 끝났음에도 계속되는 군사력 증강을 두고 전문가들은 북부 타밀족뿐 아니라 스리랑카 전역의 반대파를 겨냥한 조처란 분석을 내놓고 있다. 사라스 폰세카 전 군 총사령관의 구속은 한 본보기다. 그는 대선에 출마해 현 마힌다 라자팍세 대통령에게 도전한 ‘죄’를 지었고, 전범 재판이 열리면 증언하겠다는 발언으로 현 정권의 심기를 건드렸다.
이런 와중에 9월8일 스리랑카 의회가 긴급 통과시킨 헌법 개정안은 라자팍세 대통령에게 임기 제한 없이 권력을 쥘 수 있는 여건과 모든 독립기구의 수장을 임명할 수 있는 권한을 주었다. 콜롬보대학 법학교수 로한 에드리시나는 이렇게 개탄했다. “헌법 개정안을 공지도, 공개 토론도, 국민적 동의도 없이 긴급 법안 형식으로 2~3일 안에 처리해버렸다. 소수자(타밀족과 무슬림)의 권익을 더 악화시킨 터라 민주주의와 인종분쟁 모두의 관점에서 크게 후퇴한 헌법이다.”
스리랑카는 지금 의회 민주주의에서 이른바 ‘라자팍세 가문의 왕국’으로 거듭나는 중이다. 그 왕국의 북동부 타밀 지역은 패배와 절망감, 그리고 국제사회에 대한 배신감으로 몸서리치고 있다. 남부는 여당의 독재와 야당의 분열로 정국이 마비된 상태다.
마나르·와우니아·와니·콜롬보(스리랑카)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
* 아래 인터뷰는 지면 관계상 실리지 못한 부분까지 담았습니다.
타밀 소수정당 대표 인터뷰
“우리 땅을 팔레스타인처럼 만들고 있다”
마노 가네샨(50)은 타밀소수정당인 민주민중전선(Democratic People’s Front) 대표이자 콜롬보의 타밀표를 끌어모으던 정치인이다. ‘화이트 밴 납치’와 실종문제에 대해 누구보다 앞장서 비판해온 인권운동가이기도 한 그를 콜롬보 사무실에서 만났다.
북부 재정착 지역을 방문해봤나.
‘재정착’이 아니라 ‘식민화’만 가속화되고 있다. 싱할라족 군인들을 정착시키고 있고, 불교사원을 짓고 있다. “우리가 주인이다. 우리의 문화·종교·언어를 받아들여라”라고 말하는 것 같다. 시오니스트들이 팔레스타인을 점령하고 팔레스타인인은 그들의 땅에서 세대를 거듭해 난민으로 사는 것과 같은 현상을 만들고 있다.
지난 4월 총선에서 캔디 (스리랑카 중부)에서 출마하여 의석을 잃었는데,왜 콜롬보에서 출마치 않았나?
전략적 실수였다. 하지만 내가 출마한 지역구에 타밀인들이 많이 살지만 타밀 대표가 없어 간거다. 다른 타밀 정치인들에 비해 제법 많은 표를 얻었지만 당선되기엔 충분치 않았다. 게다가 우리 선거운동을 훼방하는 폭력사태가 12번이나 벌어졌다. 전 장관출신 마힌다난다 주먹들 짓이다.
황당한건 콜롬보에서 당선된 당신 형이 여당으로 넘어갔다는 점이다.
그는 당이 공천했고 내 지명도에 힘입어 당선된 측면이 있다. 그가 지금 나와 당 그리고 타밀커뮤니티를 배신한 채 정부쪽으로 넘어갔다. 그와는 이제 말도 안한다.
‘화이트 밴 납치’ 는 전쟁 이후 줄었다고 하던데…
없는 건 아니다. 한달에 한 번 정도. 그전에는 하루에 10-15건 정도는 되었다. 전쟁 후 (납치) 필요성이 줄어들었고, 특히 타밀 커뮤니티 내에 ‘패배주의적’ 사고가 있어 반정부 타밀 인사 수치가 줄어들었기 때문이다. 이 정부가 갑자기 마하트마 간디라도 된 것으로 생각하면 오산이다. 필요성이 떠오르면 납치도 다시 벌어질 거다.
지난 대선에서 군 총사령관 출신인 사라스 폰세카 후보를 지지했다. 타밀족 수만 명을 학살한 전쟁의 사령관을 어떻게 지지할 수 있나.
마힌다 라자팍세(현 대통령)를 권좌에서 끌어내릴 다른 방안이 없었다. 싱할라의 주류 진영을 둘로 갈라놓기 위한 것이었다. 내가 직접 대선에 출마했다면 몇십만 표 정도 얻었을 것이다. 그게 전부고, 그건 휴지가 되는 표다.
지난 2월 폰세카가 체포당할 때 그 자리에 있었던 걸로 안다.
폰세카 사무실에서 토론 중이었는데, 한 장군(소장)이 들어와 “폰세카 선생, 당신을 체포하러 왔소”라고 말했다. 폰세카는 “군이 아니라 경찰에 출두하겠다. 나는 민간인이다”라고 답했지만 그 장군은 무장 군인들을 데려오더니 저항하는 폰세카를 개처럼 끌고 갔다. 싱할라족은 그동안 나를 ‘타밀호랑이’ 분자라고 비난했다. 그런 내 앞에서 타밀호랑이를 끝장내고 불과 얼마 전까지 ‘국민영웅’으로 추앙받던 사령관을 동네 개처럼 끌고 갔다.
반기문 유엔 사무총장이 구성한 ‘전범 자문위원회’는 어떻게 보나.
(목소리를 높이며) 신뢰하지 않는다. 몇 달 전 구성한다고 들었는데 아무런 소식도 없다. 왜 그렇게 연기하나. 자꾸 연기하다가 없어지는 것이다. 내 말 잘 들어라. 우리 타밀인은 골목골목을 쑤시며 모든 방법을 강구해봤다. 기나긴 어둠의 터널에서 어디 빛줄기는 없는지 찾으며 너무 절박했다. 하지만 전쟁 막바지(2009년 상반기)에 국제사회가 보여준 태도는 역겨웠다. 그럼에도 여전히 국제적 위원회의 조사가 필요하다. 이 정부가 구성한 ‘교훈과 화해위원회’(LLRC)를 결코 신뢰하지 않기 때문이다. (콜롬보 = 이유경)
관련 기사 <한겨레21> [2010.10.29 제833호]
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28367.html
타밀호랑이, 살아서 돌아오라
종전 뒤에도 이어지는 타밀 반군 강제 수용과 실종… 비밀에 부쳐진 스리랑카 반군 수용소의 참상을 보다. [2010.10.22 제832호]
글 싣는 순서
① ‘접근 금지’ 비밀 수용소의 참상
② 피난민 재정착 지역 잠입 취재
③ 안전한 곳을 찾아 떠난 보트피플
불교도가 대부분인 싱할라족의 나라 스리랑카에서 소수 타밀족은 오랜 무력 저항을 해왔다. 긴 내전의 끝, ‘타밀호랑이’ 반군이 진압된 뒤 스리랑카에는 평화가 왔을까? 스리랑카 정부는 안정을 말하지만, 2009년 5월 내전 종료 선언 뒤에도 반군포로, 피난민, 보트피플로 떠도는 타밀족 사람들의 생존 투쟁은 계속되고 있다. 9월3~30일 스리랑카 현지에서 취재한 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자가 3회에 걸쳐 르포를 연재한다. 편집자
* 아래 기사는 지면관계상 담지 못한 내용을 포함하였습니다. 필자
» 타밀 반군에 ‘징집’됐다가 전쟁이 끝나자 정부군에 체포돼 반군 포로 수용소에 있는 아들을 생각하며 어머니가 눈물을 흘리고 있다. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
“오만따이 검문소에선 더이상 숨길수가 없었다. 한때 나의 동지들이 정부군과 동행하고 있었기 때문에…”
2009년 5월, 전쟁이 종착지로 향할 무렵 스리랑카 정부군은 전쟁터에서 빠져나온 수십만 난민들 사이에서 타밀호랑이 (LTTE) 반군을 샅샅이 추려냈다. 수간디(35, 가명)도 그렇게 추려졌다. 다수의 반군들이 투항하고 자수했지만 수간디는 ‘나는 투항하지 않았다’고 말한다.
“(정부군과 동행한 동지들이 누구였는지는) 말하고 싶지 않다. 정치국과 정보국 소속 4-5명 섞여 있었다”
수간디도 정치국 소속이었다. 그녀는 반군통치영토, 일명 타밀엘람 (‘타밀모국’이라는뜻)의 거주민에 관한 각종 통계사업과 주민들이 주로 몸담고 있는 농업, 어업 관련데이터 수집을 10여 년간 담당해왔다. 1995년 킬리노치 (‘타밀엘람’ 수도) 전투에서 다리하나를 잃은 뒤 정치국으로 ‘발령’ 받았고 그 뒤론 줄곧 그쪽 업무를 수행했다. 그러던 중 2006년부터 강화된 정부군의 공세가 타밀엘람 목전까지 치고 들어왔다.
“킬리노치가 함락되기 직전 (2009년 1월 초), 보이스오브타이거(VoT, 타밀호랑이 라디오방송국으로 타밀어와 싱할라어 방송을 병행해왔다 – 필자 주) 국장, 자완이 ‘장애인 전사’들이 모여있는 곳으로 왔다. 상황이 급박하게 돌아가고 있으니 타밀 호랑이 전 대원이 전투에 나선다는 명령이 떨어졌다고”
그렇게 명령을 하달하러 온 자완 역시 다리 하나를 잃은 장애인 전사였다. 전쟁 막바지 가족들까지 대동하며 ‘모바일’ 방송을 하던 자완은 현재 생사가 분명치 않다. 마지막 전투에서 싸우던 자완의 딸, 삿수딴의 행방도 묘연하다. 당시 삿수딴의 나이는 한국나이로 16살. 타밀 호랑이는 2006년부터 ‘한 가족 한 타이거’ 징병제를 실시해왔고, 자완은 큰 딸을 ‘해방운동’에 ‘바쳤다’.
그러나 장애인 전사들에게까지 전투를 명령하던 막바지, 반군은 ‘한 가족 두 타이거’ 도 마다하지 않고 어린 소녀 소녀들까지 징집해갔다. 기본 3개월, 특수훈련까지 총 6개월이던 군사 훈련이 제대로 이루어질 리 없었다. 제대로 훈련 받지도, 싸울 의지도 없는 소년, 소녀 병사들이 뒹굴던 전장은 결국 비참한 끝을 봤다.
“우린 (장애인 전사들) 블랙 타이거 – 자살 공격조 – 와 함께 제 2선에 포진해 있었다. 5월 15일부터 전투가 이루 말할 수 없이 치열해졌다. 1선이 무너지고 나와 팀을 이뤘던 동지마저 머리에 부상을 입었다. 부상자 이송 팀 (타밀 호랑이는 부상입은 동료나 전사자들을 현장에 방치하지 않는다는 원칙을 갖고 있다. 정부군에 의한 시체 훼손이나 부상자 현장사살, 강간의 우려때문이다. – 필자 주) 에 연락했지만 아무도 가능하지 않았다”.
결국 수간디 자신이 부상 동지를 끌고 부상자들이 모여 있는 지점까지 갔다. 반군 민간인 할 것 없이 부상자들과 시체더미로 넘쳐나는 현장을 담당하던 현장을 담당하는 동료는 수간디에게 그냥 정부군쪽으로 넘어가라고 조언했다. 다음 날 수간디는 포탄이 날아드는 쪽을 향해 걷기 시작했다. “물론 힘들었지…와뚜와깔루 다리에 도착하니 정부군이 보였다. 그들은 외다리인 나를 보자마자 반군이라고 몰아붙였다. 동행한 난민들이 그냥 부상입은 거라 말해줬고, 나도 계속 부인했다.”
그러나 19일 도착한 오만따이 검문소에서 그녀는 결국 난민들과 분리되어 반군 포로 수용소 (이하 “반군 수용소”)로 끌려갔다. 당시 오만따이 검문소 스피커는 자수 안내 방송을 계속했다.
“단 하루라도 반군활동을 한 자는 자수 바란다. 이름만 등록하면 보내 주겠다. 길어야 3개월 조사하고 풀어준다”
수많은 젊은이들이 두려워 자수를 택했다. 다수는 부모들의 설득에 의해서였다. 사하이에 라니(43)의 아들도 그렇게 자수했다. 하지만 아들은 와우니아 팜바이마두 수용소에 1년 반 넘게 수감 중이다. 3개월 안에 풀려난 이는 아무도 없다.
“아들이 (반군에) 징집된 게 2007년 4월이고 다음 해 초 도망쳐 나왔어. 그놈을 숨기느라 지하벙커에서 2년동안 똥 오줌 다 받아냈는데…”
어머니는 결국 눈물 두 줄기를 쏘옥 뽑아내고 말았다.
자수 끝에 수용소로
길어야 3개월이라던 정부가 반군 포로를 석방하기 시작한 건 11개월이 지난 올해 4월 10일, 장이앤들을 먼저 내보내면서 부터다. 한달 후에는 565명의 미성년 병사들을 석방했다. 이 미성년들은 처음부터 별도 관리를 받아왔고, 유니세프의 독립적 모니터를 허용하는 등 긍정적 평가를 받은 바 있다.수간디는 1300명의 장애인 병사와 함께 4월에 풀려났다. 이번에는 그녀의 외다리가 석방에 도움이 되었다.
“석방되기 직전까지 심문당했다. 최소 1주일에 한 번은 내 차례가 돌아왔고, 각기 다른 정보국 직원이 같은 질문을 반복했다. 내가 무슨 말을 해도 믿지 않았다”
수간디에 따르면 군은 타밀 호랑이 내부 정보 화일대로 아주 상세히 물었다. 부서이동은 어떻게 했는지, 몇번의 전투를 치뤘는지, 언제 어떤 전투에서 싸웠는지, 몇 시에 전투에 나가 몇 시에 돌아왔는지까지까지. 수간디는 오전 10시부터 오후 1시까지만 허용되던 샤워 시간을 어기면 여군이 몽둥이로 팔뚝을 세차게 때리긴 했지만, 처음부터 구타가 심했던 남자들과 달리 여자들에겐 심각한 고문은 없었다고 말한다.
“내가 수감되었던 ‘ㅁ’ 수용소 A 블럭에는 샤워 시설이 없어 군의 인도하에 D 블럭 우물로 가서 샤워를 했다. 샤워장에 가리개도 없다. 있었는데 얼마가지 않아 무너졌고 아무도 손 볼 생각을 안했다”.
석방 후에도 그녀는 자유롭지 않다. 정보국 직원이 집에 찾아오기도 하고, 집에 없을 때는 가족들에게 행방을 묻기도 한다. 반군 조직에서 익힌 컴퓨터 기술과 행정 능력 덕에 최근 새 일터를 구하고 거주지를 옮긴 그녀에게 군은 ‘재직 증명서’와 거주지 등에 대한 모든 사항을 제출하라고 요구한 상태다.
» 종전 선언 1년 뒤에도 스리랑카 수도 콜롬보에서는 준전시 같은 검문이 계속된다. (Photo by Yu K. Lee)
샅샅이 추려진 반군들, 체포와 감시는 계속된다
“수용소(detention center) 가 아니다. 전(前) 반군들은 지금 사회복귀훈련 (Rehabilitation Center) 센터에서 교육받고 있다.”
반군 수용소 총 책임자 수단따 라나싱헤 준장은 <한겨레21>과의 전화 인터뷰에서 ‘수용소’라는 표현에 강한 거부감을 드러냈다. 전 반군들과 군인들이 1년 넘게 함께 하며 얼마나 사이가 좋아졌는지 ‘와서보라’ 는 빈말도 했다. 공식적으로도 그는 ‘사회복귀훈련 센터’ 의 책임자다. “반군 활동에 개입한 기간과 개입정도 그리고 사회복귀 프로그램에 임하는 자세나 성과에 따라 석방 순위를 정한다” 는 게 그가 설명하는 석방 기준이다.
수감자들은 ‘애국의례’ 로 아침을 연다. 그들이 거부해 온 싱할라어 국가를 불러야 하고, 부르지 않으면 처벌이 가해진다. “한 소년은 국가를 부르지 않아 땡볕에서 무릎끓고 하루종일 벌을 섰고, 또 다른 소년은 국가를 부르는 동안 기침을 했다고 군화발로 채였다” 지난 4월 ‘ㅁ’ 캠프에서 석방된 카란(38, 가명)의 말이다. 캠프안 모든 전달사항은 싱할라어로 이루어진다. 싱할라어를 말하줄 아는 수감자가 소 그룹의 대표노릇을 했고 그를 통해 모든 사항이 전달되었다. 그러나 이런 일도 있었다.
“하루는 해체하라는 명령을 못알아듣고 자리에 계속 남아 있던 40대 쯤 되보이는 이가 군화발에 채여 쓰러졌다…종종 벌어지는 일이었다”
지난 해 12월에는 30대 초반의 한 수감자가 몸이 아주 좋지 않아 병원에 보내달라고 요청했지만 허가가 안 떨어져 시름시름 앓다 사망한 일도 있었다고 카란은 말했다. 수용소 안에는 전문 의사를 따로 배치하지 않았다. 대신 반군 중에서 군의관 노릇을 하던 (일부는 진짜 의사) 수감자가 전체 수감자들의 진료를 담당했지만, 의약품이 허술해 가족에게 부탁하는 경우가 잦았다. 반군 수용소에 대한 가족들의 방문은 허용되었지만 교통비 문제로 방문에 어려움을 겪는 가족들이 많았다. 10-20분 가량 허용된 면담은 두 세명의 군인들이 감시하는 가운데 이루어진다. 아울러, 당국의 허가를 받은 카톨릭 신부들이 주도하는 일요일 미사가 허용되고 있다.
지난 4월 10일, 다리 하나가 불편한 카란 역시 장애인 석방 당시 풀려났다. 그 한 주 전 4월 2일 그의 캠프에서 차출된 107명의 수감자들이 인근의 한 학교 건물로 먼저 이송되었다.
“거기서 우리가 곧 석방될 거라 들었다. 그러나 한 명이 죽었는데, 왜 죽었는지는 잘 모르겠다. 6명은 테러리스트조사국(TID) 에서 데려갔다. 6명 중 한 명은 두눈 장님, 두명은 한눈을 잃었고, 또 다른 한명은 눈 하나와 두 손을, 그리고 한 명은 다리 하나가 없다. 나머지 하나는…기억이 잘 안나는데…그들을 왜, 어디로 데려 갔는지 그것도 잘 모르겠다”
그 여섯 명이 다른 캠프로 이송되었는지, 강제 실종의 희생자가 되었는지는 알 수 없지만 강제 실종의 역사가 깊은 스리랑카에서 기록없는 이송은 강제 실종과 법외 사살 우려를 낳을 수 밖에 없다. 카란이 전하는 또 다른 에피소드 역시 이런 우려를 야기하고 있다. 하루는 3명의 수감자들이 아침 조례에 나타나지 않았는데, 군은 ‘그들은 간밤에 도망갔다’고 말했다는 것.
“캠프는 이중 망으로 철통같이 쌓여 있고, 사방에 무장 군이 배치되어 있다. 도망가면 바로 사살당한다고 처음부터 세뇌 받아왔다. 누구라도 도망갈 환경은 아니었다. 전혀 아니었다”
카란의 말이다.
강제 실종, 법외 사살에 대해 우려하는 이유
이 반군 수용소에 대해 인권단체들의 우려는 대단히 높다. 우선, 국제적십자사를 포함 독립적 기구의 방문과 모니터가 전혀 허용되고 있지 않아 수감인원과 감호 상태, 더 나아가 생사 여부에 대한 정보까지 투명하게 알려진 게 없다. 지난 9월 ‘법적 구속을 넘어 : 스리랑카의 타밀호랑이 혐의자 대량구금’ 이라는 보고서를 발표한 국제법률가협회 (ICJ)는 이들 수용소를 ‘지구상에서 가장 규모가 큰, 정부운영 집단 수용소’ 라 표현했다. 국제법률가협회는 정부가 공식적 혹은 비공식으로 발표해 온 수감자 인원부터 불규칙한 점을 꼬집었다.
ICJ가 정리한 오락가락 수치를 보자. 수용소 책임 준장이 지난 해 11월 공식적으로 밝힌 ‘10,992명의 투항자’ 와 비공식적으로 밝힌 ‘12,000명 수감자’ 두 개의 버전이 있다. 그리고 스리랑카 유엔대표부는 “12,700명의 반군이 피난민들 사이에서 반군으로 추려졌다”고 말했다. 이후 언론에는 10,732 라는 숫자가 다시 등장했다. 지난 2월 이래 반군 수용소 책임자로 임명된 라나싱헤 준장이 9월 29일 <한겨레21>과의 전화 인터뷰에서 밝힌 수치는 10,970 명이다. 그는 “현재까지 3580명이 석방되어 7390명이 남아 있고, 내일(9월 30일) 400명이 더 석방되면 대략 6900명 가량이 남게 될 것”이라고 말했다.그리고 다시, 정부소유 일간지 <데일리 뉴스>는 10월 26일자 보도에서 11,696명중 5,819명이 석방되었다는 ‘사회복귀 및 교도소 개혁부’ 장관 구네세카라 (D E W Gunesekara)의 말을 인용하였다.
이렇게 수감자 수치가 둘쭉날쭉하는 데는 크게 두 가지 원인이 있는 것으로 분석된다.
첫째, 불규칙하게 계속된 추가 검거다 지난 해 중반 피난민 캠프 난민들의 잇단 탈출 드라마가 펼쳐지던 시절 (<한겨레 21> 797호 기사 참조) 캠프내에서는 검거 열풍이 불었다고 난민들은 전했다. 아울러, 지난해 8월부터 시작된 난민 석방 과정에서 일부 난민들은 재정착지가 아닌 반군 수용소로 보내졌다.
“전쟁이 끝난 후 서너달 돈있는 사람들이 캠프를 탈출하고, 군은 남아 있는 젊은이들을 대거 잡아갔다. 우선 17 – 25 살 사이의 소년들을 잡아갔고, 하룬가 이틀후에 소녀들을 잡아갔다. 한 가정에서 두 명이상 잡혀간 경우도 있는데 부모들이 통곡 하고 반발하면 한 두명 풀어주기도 했다. 군은 도망치지 않은 젊은이들이 반군이기 때문에 스스로 두려워 떠나지 못했다는 짐작으로 잡아갔다.”
‘존 4’ 피난민 캠프 난민 아노자(20대, 가명)의 증언이다. 그녀는 올해 8월 말께, 정부 에이전트가 (Government Agent : ‘구청장’ 쯤 되는 공무원으로 중앙정부가 임명 – 필자주) 난민들에게 중간 캠프로 이동해 한 두달 지내면 고향으로 재정착시켜주겠다고 했지만, 난민들이 거부한데도 이 점이 작용했다고 말했다.
“젊은 아들 딸이 있는 부모들의 반발이 거셌다. 새로운 캠프로 이동하면 또 등록절차를 거쳐야 하고, 그 과정에서 반군 추린다는 명목으로 젊은 이들을 또 잡아갈 것 아닌가”
‘존 2’ 피난민 캠프에 갇혀 있다 지난 해 8월 가족들이 모두 석방되었던 카란의 경우도 재정착길 향하는 버스에 오르다 다시 붙들려 피난민 캠프에 홀로 남았고 심문과 고문에 시달렸다. 그는11월 반군 수용소로 이송되었다. 그의 말을 들어보자.
“다시 연행된 8월 부터 11월 반군 수용소로 이송되기까지 ‘존 2’ 피난민 캠프내 자리잡은 군 초소로 열 다섯 번 정도 호출받아 불려갔다. 처음 4-5번은 사무실에 들어갈 때마다 구타를 당했다. 나같은 사례는 많다. 나는 자동자 정비소에서 일했지 반군이 아니었다”
군은 카란에게 반군이 아닌 걸 증명하라 다그치며 크리켓 스틱으로 구타했다. 그 후유증으로 카란은 지금 숨쉬는데 어려움이 크다고 말한다. 카란처럼 심문받던 작은 소년 하나는 눈에 심한 구타를 당하고 병원치료도 허용되지 않아 결국 시력을 잃었다. 그리고도 반군 캠프로 이송되었다가 나중에 시력 상실 때문에 불구자들과 풀려났다. 50살 넘은 한 남성은 구타가 심해 기절하기도 했다. 카란은 그가 타밀 호랑이 행정조직에서 월급 받고 일하던 사람으로 기억하고 있다. (타밀 호랑이는 자체 법원, 은행, 경찰서 등 여러 기관과 부서를 운영해왔고 그에 딸린 고용인원이 적지 않았다 – 필자 주).
한편, 반군이었던 수간디가 석방되는 나기 직전까지 심문을 당했다면, 카란은 그렇게 이송된 반군 캠프에서 별다른 심문이 없었고 대신 ‘중노동’을 했다고 말한다.
“반군이 아님을 증명하라”
반군 수용소의 수감자 수치가 모호한 두번째 이유는 ‘사회복귀훈련 센터’ (대략 10여개로 추정) 에서 또 다른 형태의 수용소로 이송된 수감자들이 적지 않아 ‘반군 수용소’에 대한 정의가 모호해졌기 때문이다. 일부 수감자들은 수감 생활 중간에 ‘사회복귀훈련 센터’ 에 속하지 않는 ‘웰리칸다’나 ‘오만따이’ 혹은 콜롬보 외곽에 위치한 악명 높은 ‘부사 군캠프’ 등으로 이송된 것으로 알려졌다.
부사 캠프를 꾸준히 방문해온 국제적십자사가 그곳으로 이송된 수감자 정보에 따라 실종된 아들을 찾던 부디마 (30대, 가명) 의 시어머니에게 남편의 행방을 알려주고 방문을 도와준 것도 이 점 때문에 가능했다. 부디마의 남편은 그러나 타밀 호랑이 대원이 아닌 타밀구호기구(TRO)의 직원이었다. TRO는 친 반군 타밀 구호기구로 쯔나미 재난 당시와 지난 해 전쟁 막판까지 전장에서 유일하게 구호작업을 했던 구호단체다.
“국제적십자사는 경찰 감호소, 부사 군 캠프를 포함 기존에 우리가 꾸준히 방문해왔던 다양한 형태의 수십개 수용소를 정기적으로 방문하고 있다. 그러나 전쟁 후 투항한 반군들이 주로 수용되어 있는 ‘투항 캠프’ (‘사회복귀훈련센터’를 말함) 에 대해서는 지난 해 7월 이래 전혀 접근하지 못하고 있다”
국제적십자사 스리랑카 대변인 사라신 웨자라트나의 말이다. 국제적십자사는 수용소 방문에 관한 사항을 정부와 양자간의 의제로만 풀 뿐 비밀 정책을 철저히 고수하고 있다.
구호단체 일꾼도 반군으로 몰려 수감 중
국제법률가협회를 비롯 인권단체들은 재판도, 뚜렷한 혐의도 없는 이 구금행태가 국제인도주의법에 어긋난다고 비판하고 있다. 게다가 스리랑카 정부군이 생포된 타밀 반군을 알몸으로 벗긴 후 사살하는 비디오와 반군 포로를 고문하다 결국 죽이는 듯한 사진 등이 공개되면서 반군 수감자에 대한 우려는 더더욱 높아지고 있다. 이 두 사례는, 병원폭격과 식량 배급줄 폭격 그리고 전쟁 막바지 백기 들고 투항하던 타밀 호랑이 정치국 지도자 나데샨 등 수백 명의 투항자들을 모두 학살 했던 이른 바 ‘백기 투항 학살’ 사례와 더불어 스리랑카 전쟁 범죄의 증거들로 거론되고 있다.
이번 취재 과정에서는 또 다른 ‘백기 투항’이 ‘학살’ 이 될 뻔한 증언을 들을 수 있었다. 한 30대 남성의 증언이다.
“5월 17일 늦은 오후였다. 총성은 멈춘 듯 했고, 타밀 호랑이도 모두 사라진 것 같았다. 나는 어린이 연장자들과 한 벙커에 있었다. 인근 벙커에 있던 신부님 하나가 ‘정부군을 봤다. 그들이 이곳까지 들어왔다’고 소리치며 모두들 백기 들고 투항하라고 했다. 그래서 우린 백기를 보이며 벙커 밖으로 나가려고 했지만 그럴 때마다 군은 총을 쏘았다. 잠시 후 밖이 조용해진 듯 해서 우린 (어린이, 연로자 포함) 다시 백기를 보이며 랜턴도 들고 군인들 쪽으로 서서히 움직였는데 군은 “가까이 오지 말라”고 소리쳤다. 우리가 등을 돌려 다시 벙커 방향으로 걸어가자 군은 총을 쏘았다. 모두들 재빠르게 바닥에 엎드렸고, 벙커로 다시 기어들어 왔다. 다음날 아침 군은 우리에게 ‘보이는 대로 사살하라는 명령을 받았다’고 말했다”
병원과 식량 배급줄까지 폭격하고 백기 투항하는 민간인들까지 학살과 생존의 갈림길을 오가야 했던 이 전쟁터가 과연 재판대에 오를 수 있을까? 굼뜨던 유엔 사무총장의 스리랑카 전범 자문위원회가 이제 막 작업을 시작했다는 소식이 들려온다. 그러나 ‘타밀호랑이’와 ‘전쟁범죄’ 두 단어는 스리랑카에서 가장 금기시되는 단어이자 가장 민감한 이슈다. 이에 대한 어떠한 질문도, 논쟁도 그리고 증언도 강제 실종으로 이어질 수 있다. 전쟁범죄를 조사하라는 국제사회의 압력을 무마하기 위해 정부는 ‘교훈과 화해위원회’(LLRC)라는 기구를 구성했지만 이 위원회가 교훈과 화해를 가져다줄 것이라 믿는 이는 거의 없다.
스리랑카=이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
관련기사: http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28322.html
* 아래는 전반군 대변인 인터뷰 기사.
인터뷰 : 다야 마스터 (55, 타밀 호랑이 전 대변인)
“완벽한 자유를 누리고 있다”
다야마스터 (전 타밀호랑이 대변인)
본명 벨라이우탐 다야니디. ‘다야 마스터’로 더 잘 알려진 그는 타밀 호랑이 대변인을 지냈고, 기자들에게 친근한 인물이었다. 2009년 종전 한달 전인 4월 정부군에 투항한 후 정부소유 방송국 토크쇼에 출연하여 타밀 호랑이 (LTTE) 반군을 강력히 비난하기도 했다. 북부 자프나에 사는 그를 전화로 인터뷰하였다.
질> 반군 대변인을 하던 당신은 지금 친정부 방송국 (Dan TV) 에서 일하고 있다. 정부가 임명한 건가?
답> 내가 선택한 일이다. ‘친정부’ 란 말에 동의하지 않는다. 우린 북부지역 개발 이슈 등 골고루 다룬다.
질> 언론인으로서 얼마나 자유로운가?
답> 자프나에서는 나 뿐만 아니라 모든 언론인이 자유롭다. 콜롬보 상황은 잘 모른다.
질> 사는 환경은 어떤가? 자유롭게 이동할 수 있나?
답> 완벽한 자유를 누리고 있다. 어디든 갈 수 있다. 나뿐만 아니라 석방된 모든 반군 대원들이 다 자유롭다.
질> 재정착 지역이나 피난민 캠프 난민들이 비참하게 살고 있다. 이동의 자유를 완벽히 누린다면서 왜 그런 곳은 둘러보지 않나?
답> 곧 방문할 에정이다. 안다, 난민들이 고통받고 있는 걸.
질> 북부의 군사화, 식민화가 심각하다. 불교도가 없지만 볼교 사원도 짓고 있는데
답> (불교도) 군인들이 있으니 사원을 지을 수도 있지…
질> 반군 대변인까지 지낸 당신은 그렇게 자유로운데, 투항한 반군사병들 다수가 여전히 수감 중이다. 국제적십자사의 접근까지 봉쇄되고 있다.
답> 그건…. 그들도 서서히 석방될 것이라 본다.
질> 재판없이 1년 반 넘게 구금 중이다. 국제인도주의법 위반이다.
답> 코멘트 하고 싶지 않다. 내 신변에 영향을 줄 수 있다.
질> 지난 해 투항할 때 정확한 상황은 뭔가? 일각에선 당신이 그냥 병원에 있었고 그 지역이 군에 함락된 것이라는데
답> 푸투마딸란에 있었고 군이 진격해 왔다. 그리고 내가 투항한 거 맞다.
질> 살기 위해 어쩔 수 없이 투항한 건가? 아님 그동안 싸워온 신념과 가치를 다 버린건가?
답> …
질> 일부는 당신을 배신자라고 한다. 투항 직후 정부 운영 방송국 토크쇼에 나와 타밀 호랑이를 비판했는데…
답> 내가 4월에 투항했고, 5월 18일 정치국 지도부도 투항했고 (백기 투항건을 말함) 다른 전투병들도 결국 투항하지 않았나!
질> 타밀 호랑이가 강력하다고 알고 있었는데, 언제부터 뭐가 잘못되기 시작했나?
답> 2005, 2006년부터 무기 공급에 큰 차질이 생기기 시작했다. 스리랑카 해군이 영해를 엄격하게 통제했고 인도 정보국의 작업으로 무기를 적절하게 들여오지 못했다.
콜롬보 = 이유경 penseur21@hotmail.com
War Stories – Sri Lanka
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ozDzKTsVcCY
Escaping with dead bodies
Sri Lanka : Escapees’ accounts from Sri lanka’s war zone and internment camps
Writer’s Note :
The story below was filed end of last year 2009. It was published by Neues Deutschland in german and HanKyoReh21 in korean early of February in 2010, but no where in english. As the issue of ‘boat people’ from Sri Lanka “drifted” in oceans, diverted to the agenda of ‘human smuggling’ otherwise alerted by ‘Tamil Tigers on the board’, I post the story in english here hoping to attract more readers from english-speaking world.
Turning away their face from struggling asylum seekers, whose majority are Tamil ethnic, world community louds out ‘Tamil Tigers among them’. The international community have recognized that Tamil Tigers were defeated by Sri Lankan government forces, modeling the latter’s job as a successful case of ‘war on terror’, haven’t they? Why do they ‘hostage’ all those desperate lives then, having excuse of defeated Tigers, who should be anyway treated humanely according to the interanally recognized accord?
Penseur21 -
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“It was inevitable…to save my life. The intention of the Army attack was to drive people into the Army hands”
In the evening of May 16th 2009, Karan (name changed, 60s) was one of some 250,000 Tamils on crossing over to the government side, from where the forces had kept shelling at where Karan had just left. “Inevitably, unwillingly, involuntarily”, Karan articulated as this writer repeatedly questioned if people came out to government side ‘unwillingly’, raising a criticism of ‘human shields’ by the rebel. “Tigers were not holding people as hostages, as human barriers, as human shields or whatever it is”, he continued. “Who are the Tigers? They are children of the people. Every family has a Tiger son or daughter. There’s no separation or lines between Tigers and people”
During the last assualt of Sri Lanka’s war in 2009, Karan was pushing his bike as much as he could, to cover what was happening, checking casualties. He, as one of few Tamil journalists in the war zone, estimated, “death toll from January 14th till April 25th must be at least 8,000, to my foot notes” It is about a thousand more than the UN’s estimation of the same period. In terms of the ‘contested’ toll for the last 3 weeks before the war ended on May19, the UN’s figure is upto some 20,000. Karan has declined to estimate this toll, as he couldn’t push bike anymore due to loss of his bike and intensified heavy shellings. “I can tell you what I personally observed. I don’t want to talk what I heard from others, no” said Karan.
He was ended up in Vavunya internment camps which have been severely restricted to numerous aid NGOs, let alone independent observers including journalists, by the government. He was allocated in ‘Zone 4’, the last set up as of May 20th when he was brought in. However, Karan is now neither held in the camp nor in any part of Sri Lanka. He did escape, first from the camp via the capital city of Colombo to finalize his escape by flying out of Sri Lanka, the country listed as one of the most dangerous for journalist on earth.
IDPs (Internally Displaced Persons) camp in eastern province in Sri Lanka 2009 (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
To get out from the most dangerous country for journalist
“Why are you sleeping here in the scorching sun? If you have money, you can get out of here”
It was in mid-June 2009, when a stranger whispered to Karan who was sleeping outside tent as his tent was over crowded with 14 people including two married couples, two girls and 70 year-old lady. Trying to figure out whether the stranger could be an army agent or not, Karan simply answered that he was very comfortable to live there. In fact, the veteran journalist was obsessed of thinking as to how he gets out of the camp, where he had uneatable food often ‘recycled’ by adding some water.
“Another day, another man approached me, saying I could get out of the camp if I had money. He was one of those who delivered vegetables for ‘Zone 4’. By then I learnt people started to escape from the camp”
Karan paid 200,000 Rupees (about 1,227 Euro) to the ‘vegetable man’, who in return gave him a specific venue and time. On the arranged day, the vegetable man was driving slowly the area, where Karan would get into the vehicle. Karan covered himself with empty vegetable sacks in a vehicle. Security forces, who were probably bribed, as Karan assumed, might have looked inside the vehicle to find nothing but empty sacks without touching them. After two hours driving, the vehicle arrived in a residential house near Vavunya town, where Karan saw 10 more camp inmates fled by one way or another. Two days later, Karan was given a train ticket for Colombo (via Medawachchi) and companied by one boy who was a part of agents to the Vavunya railway station. The worth of 200,000 rupees Karan paid earmarked for until that time. In the next day morning, Karan found himself in Colombo. It was the end of June 2009.
“In Colombo I met one person who also escaped from the camp. He told me he did by a vehicle carrying dead bodies from the camp. He was hiden under dead bodies”
Karan who had looked grave, now laughing, sitting in a house located in one of the South East Asian cities, to where he flied in mid-July after paying another sheer amount of money for another agent in Colombo.
A Tamil asylum seeker in Malaysia. Unknown number of asylum seekers from both majority Sihanglese and minority Tamil communities fled to neighboring countries, from where they hope to head for a signatory to the UN refugee convention, notably Canada or Australia. However, they have been largely neglected or outrightly rejected at times, which has caused more miserable situation to asylum seekers. The asylum seekers still say they would take a risk, despite incidents such as that some were drowned in the ocean on the way. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
It is impossible to know how many exactly have escaped from the camp and subsequently the country in this way. The internal report of one aid agency has estimated 5,186 for those who “left without the knowledge of authority” from the camp as of on January 4th 2010, including 3,278 for Anandakumaraswamy (Zone 1) camp alone. A ‘flow’ of escapees taking their own risks was at least a reflection of appalling condition of the barbed wire camp, where security guards were strolling along like in potential battle fields.
‘Escaping package’ in full swing
According to various escapees from ‘Zone 0’ to ‘Zone 4’, some of the controvertial claims on the camps raised by a few British media, seem to be rather common truth as the ‘vehicle carrying dead bodies’ indicated. On July 10th 2009, the British daily The Times has quoted a senior international aid sources as saying “about 1,400 people are dying every week at the giant Manik Farm internment camp”. It was mostly elders and children who were dying out because of simple deseases such as diahrrea or high fever, otherwise seemingly malnutrition according to escapees.
“I went to the hospital in mid-June. Long queue was there as usual. Around 1pm, an old lady fell down, getting cold and dying in hours. Nobody could think of conceding for her, as everybody came to hospital from early morning to get some tablets though”
Jeyabalan (name changed, 23), who had escaped from the Ramanathan camp (Zone 2) in early of November, accounted a death of the old lady. He also talked about a loud speaker announcement once a week on average which went on to say, “Here is a deadbody. Anyone whose family are not seen, please come here to identify”.
Rajini (name changed, 32), who was detained in ‘D2’ block of ‘Zone 4’ for 3 months, has failed to see a doctor for the first 15 days because of long queue. When she finally saw a doctor, the doctor diagnosed pneumonia. But all she’s got were some antifebriles. “More than 20 people died for three months in ‘D2 block’ of ‘Zone 4’, – which was devided into 54 blocks from ‘A1’ to ‘F9’ – to my knowledge. But I was lucky as my block ‘D2’ was nearby main road, whereas block ‘D8’ and ‘D9’ where my relatives were detained, were often flooded if rain fell” added Rajini, who has escaped on August 16th. Apart from elders and children, those having mental problems were also vulnerable to death, said another escapee.
“They even didn’t know if they had to see a doctor. So they were dying.”
Rani (name changed, 22) has recalled one mentally disordered-man who kept climbing over a tree in ‘Arunachalam’ (Zone 3) camp but died later due to unknown desease. “It was crazily difficult to see a doctor. On April 22nd, for example, my father went to the hospital at 3am to get number 89 for me. I saw a doctor at 4pm on that day.” said Sudanth (name changed, 20) a sister of Rani. The pair had escaped from the camp early of July. As dischared from Chettikuram hospital outside camp, where they were admitted with special permission from the Army, they didn’t go back to the camp, leaving other family members behind. The family got immediately informed by relatives about the escape of their children. “Our parents were happy with that” said sisters who are now seeking asylum in Malaysia.
In the meantime, one absurd fact was emerged from accounts by escapees. There were only Sinhalese doctors at hospitals in the camp, with whom Tamils cannot communicate. As a matter of fact, the Sri Lanka’s two different ethnics Tamils and Sinhalese do not speak other’s language in general, which problem has partially caused the brutal ethnic conflict. It also reminds a fact that the government was indignant at 5 Tamil doctors, who were treating a great number of lives in the war zone, giving coherent accounts to the facts-hungry journalists during the war time.
‘Sinhala doctors only’ for Tamil refugees
The lack of all sorts of facilities in the camps seems to have systematically geared up human rights violations and added to the inhuman catastrophe. As some people choosed to go for food, water, bath, toilet or hospital in the early morning or late night to avoid long queue, some of them were alledgedly missing in the darkness. “I saw one mother crying as her daughter went to get water in dark morning but didn’t return till late afternoon” said Karan from Zone 4. Chandra (name changed, 40), who’s escaped from Ananthakumarsuwamy (Zone 1) camp, has a similar story to tell which is a ‘missing followed by death’.
“It was either 23rd or 24th May. People were talking about 6 dead bodies found near the small river, which divides ‘Zone 1’ and ‘Zone 2’. I myself went to the river and saw one dead body. She was the one who stayed next to my tent. She went to toilet early morning but didn’t return. Women often took a bath there in the darkness”
A Tamil asylum seeker in Malaysia. Unknown number of asylum seekers from both majority Sihanglese and minority Tamil communities fled to neighboring countries, from where they hope to head for a signatory to the UN refugee convention, notably Canada or Australia. However, they have been largely neglected or outrightly rejected at times, which has caused more miserable situation to asylum seekers. The asylum seekers still say they would take a risk, despite incidents such as that some were drowned in the ocean on the way. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
The same episode was accounted by Siva (named changed, 41) who was detained in the other side of the river, which was Ramanathan (Zone 2) camp.
“They were drunk!” Rajini was enraged. “The drunken soldiers came to kitchen or water tank, when people were standing a line late night or early morning, harrassing girls by saying ‘come with me’”. Rajini further talked of how she was humiliated from the very first day of the camp life.
“There was not a single woman officer at the Zone 4 check point as we were brought in. The male soldiers have checked our body as well as our belongings for about 10 minutes per person. I felt indignity but couldn’t help it. Because there’s no one speaking Tamil”
While there’s no one speaking Tamil when it’s desperately needed, there’s one occasion in which people heard or read something in Tamil.
“You have no choice but to cross over to the government side, you will be provided with nice food, water, shelter and all necessities”
That was the propaganda by the government radio as well as air-dropped leaflets during the war time. In reality, nothing was ready for those who had not eaten anything for at least 3-4 days, when they reached at the government-controlled Vaduvakallu from the last battle field Mullivaikal or Vellamullivaika.
“We had spent 3 days in an open field with nothing. The Army counted people till 22,000 and stopped. Some soldiers seemed to be humanitarian because they gave us their food, saying they would not have shelled such heavy amount, if they knew so many people were inside the war zone”
Aravindan (name changed, 28) who has fled the war zone in the morning of 17th May, accounted. From 20th May, people started to be transfered to the Vavunya camps, which were little better than open fields.
“We had tried to keep our dignity even in harsh condition of the war. As soon as we arrived at the camp, however, the Army threw food parcels over our heads. Thousands of people were struggling over a food parcel!”
Recalling the arrival day at the camp, the haughty woman Chandra burst into tears. She’s been eager to hear whereabout her husband and daughter are, from whom she and another daughter were apart in a chaos of last days.
Struggling over A food parcel
It has been 8 months passed since the war ended and also since the president Mahinda Rajapaksa has publicly assured that the IDPs would be released for a resettlement ‘within 180 days’. But, this assurance was proved to be a hollow when 180 days had fallen on the end of November. According to the latest report issued by UN office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affair (or UN OCHA) on January 11th, 155,942 have been released as of December 31, whereas 108,106 have been still detained with limited ‘freedom of movement’. Questions are remained if those who were released have been on process for a resettlement.
“Access to return areas, especially the former LTTE-controlled area, is forbidden to NGOs. Hence it’s very difficult for people to get assistance they badly need” one human rights activist in Sri Lanka who doesn’t want to be named said.
Chris Patten, the co-chairman of the Brussell-based International Crisis Group, also wrote about the behind scene of ‘release’, in his contribution for New York Times on January 12th.
“A large portion of the more than 150,000 people recently sent out of the camps have not actually returned to their homes nor been resettled. They’ve been sent to and remain in ‘transit centers’ in their home districts”
As for Karan, Chandra, Jeyabalan, Rajini and thousands others who escaped from the camp are now seeking asylum and protection after getting through horrors of war and miserable camp life. Yet, uncertainty is far ahead as, not only because the countries to where they fled are not a signatory of the UN refugee convention. But also because the signatories seem to be unwilling to accept these asylum seekers. The case of 254 Tamils asylum seekers on the boat at Merak Indonesia, where they have been stranded for more than 100 days in deplorable conditions, has presented xhenophobiotic response from Australia, which is a prime destination for many escapees. Further, negative propaganda on asylum seekers by Sri Lankan government has been folstering with help of some mainstream media which diverted this refugee crisis to the ‘people smugling’, otherwise focusing on ‘Tamil Tigers were on the board’.
“It is not people smuggling” said Irene Khan, the secretary-general of Amnasty International.
“I would call it a flow of asylum-seekers. These people are in search of protection, the international community is doing very little. There isn’t any resettlement of refugees taking place, refugee protection is very weak and, therefore, people are taking the situation into their own hands to desperately find a place where they can have safety.” she pointed out in an interview with Al-Jazeera.
The article in german at
http://www.neues-deutschland.de/artikel/164255.gestrandet-nach-dem-krieg-in-sri-lanka.html?sstr=sri|lanka
and in korean at
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/26678.html
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/26677.html
And relevant stories at
http://www.theaustralian.com.au/national-affairs/tamils-from-sri-lanka-heading-for-canada/story-fn59niix-1225904674146
http://english.aljazeera.net/news/americas/2010/08/201081341910433643.html
Channel 4 : Sri Lanka Tamil killings ‘ordered from the top’
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2JMB_ltEjV0&feature=player_embedded
Sri Lanka’s disturbing actions met by ‘deafening global silence’
The Sri Lankan government’s clampdown on domestic critics and its disdain for human rights deserves a far tougher response according to The Elders. While welcoming the end of the decades-long civil war, the Elders say that meaningful progress on reconciliation in Sri Lanka is still desperately needed. They describe the international response to Sri Lanka’s worrying approach to human rights, good governance and accountability as a ‘deafening global silence’ that may encourage other states to act in a similar way.
The Elders have been following events in Sri Lanka closely since the last months of the civil war between government forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009. They have contacted the government of Sri Lanka and officials around the world to express their concerns about alleged violations of international humanitarian law and the need for actions that promote sustainable peace and reconciliation in the country. The Elders have noted some positive change since the end of the war, including greater economic activity in the north, and the return of some 260,000 displaced people to their home districts.
However, these signs of progress are tainted by intolerance of debate or dissent and a culture of impunity that protects those close to the government. The Elders now believe that the Sri Lankan government’s domestic conduct, as well as its recent unacceptable treatment of the United Nations in Sri Lanka warrants a firm, public response from its most influential friends – particularly China, India, Japan and the United States as well as the non-aligned group of countries.
Only the European Union has taken any direct action by suspending Sri Lanka’s preferential trading access (GSP Plus scheme) for its failure to respect its international human rights obligations.
Among recent events that most concern the Elders are:
- The persecution, intimidation, assassination and disappearance of government critics, political opponents, journalists and human rights defenders.
- Ongoing detention of an estimated 8,000 suspected ex-combatants without charge or access to legal representation, their families or independent monitors.
- The government’s failure to withdraw wartime emergency laws more than a year after the end of the conflict with the LTTE.
- Lack of action by the government to address the political marginalisation of ethnic minorities that was at the root of Sri Lanka’s thirty years of war.
- Unacceptable behaviour towards the United Nations — including a siege by demonstrators of UN offices in Colombo, led by a Cabinet Minister — following the UN Secretary-General’s appointment of a panel of experts to advise him on accountability issues relating to alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law committed by both sides during the final stages of the conflict in Sri Lanka.
Archbishop Desmond Tutu, chair of The Elders said:
“The government of Sri Lanka needs to show a much greater commitment to achieving meaningful reconciliation. The ongoing persecution and disappearances of human rights activists, journalists and government opponents is truly terrifying.
“Unfortunately, previous internal commissions have done little to reveal the truth behind human rights abuses. It is doubtful that the President’s ‘Lessons Learned and Reconciliation Commission’ will help Sri Lankans to work towards lasting peace and reconciliation.”
Other members of The Elders say the weak international reaction to Sri Lanka’s actions may erode respect for the rule of law and human rights worldwide.
Kofi Annan, former UN Secretary-General said:
“There has been a deafening global silence in response to Sri Lanka’s actions, especially from its most influential friends. The international community cannot be selective in its approach to upholding the rule of law and respect for human rights. Impunity anywhere is a threat to international peace and security everywhere.”
Martti Ahtisaari, former President of Finland and international mediator said:
“Countries operating outside international norms watch each other carefully. They will be taking courage from Sri Lanka’s apparent success at avoiding international reproach. This is a worry for all those who want to see more democracy, greater respect for human rights and less violence in the world.”
Lakhdar Brahimi, former Algerian Foreign Minister and former UN envoy said:
“Sri Lanka has played a key role among countries of the Third World in their common stand against colonial domination, violent repression and denial of human rights. All those friends of Sri Lanka are duty-bound today to help this country consolidate peace and ensure that the causes of its terrible 30-year civil war are not allowed to lay the foundations for another conflict.
“Speaking out is neither unfriendly to the people of Sri Lanka, nor an interference in the internal affairs of its government. Quite the opposite: it is a strong manifestation of support for justice, peace and progress for all the people of Sri Lanka.”
Mary Robinson, former Irish President and former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said:
“The EU’s suspension of Sri Lanka’s GSP Plus scheme is the right approach, but it’s not enough. Sustained pressure is necessary, not only to protect human rights in Sri Lanka, but to protect the rights of people everywhere. It is not just governments who can help improve the situation – anyone doing business in Sri Lanka or going there on holiday should also try to make choices that will help all its citizens to a more equitable and prosperous future.”
The Elders urge the international community and especially China, India, Japan and the United States to insist that the government of Sri Lanka takes the following actions:
- Withdraw wartime emergency legislation and make a public commitment to uphold the human rights of all citizens of Sri Lanka, including minorities.
- Allow immediate ICRC access to the estimated 8,000 people detained on suspicion of being ex-combatants.
- Co-operate with the UN Secretary-General’s panel of experts on accountability, including granting visas if requested.
- Ensure that any prosecutions are based on evidence and not political expediency; cease political interference in the work of the judiciary.
- Allow domestic and international NGOs and media to carry out their work in Sri Lanka without harassment, intimidation or undue restrictions.
- Begin a meaningful process of consultation with people in the north and east of the country on land issues and economic development as well as constitutional reforms to address long-standing political marginalisation of ethnic minorities.
- Ensure the security of United Nations operations and personnel.
* About The Elders
The Elders are an independent group of global leaders, brought together by Nelson Mandela in 2007, who offer their collective influence and experience to support peace- building, help address major causes of human suffering and promote the shared interests of humanity.
The Elders are Martti Ahtisaari, Kofi Annan, Ela Bhatt, Lakhdar Brahimi, Gro Brundtland, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Jimmy Carter, Graça Machel, Mary Robinson and Desmond Tutu (Chair). Nelson Mandela and Aung San Suu Kyi are honorary Elders.
More information at www.theElders.org.
See also: ‘Sri Lanka one year on from war’, Desmond Tutu and Lakdra Brahimi, The Guardian, May 2010
The root cause of boat people from Sri Lanka
Ms. Sara Nathan is an Austrailian Tamil, who had to flee Sri Lanka in a bid to save her life from the state sponsored-communal riots against minority Tamils in 1980s. She is also a human rights campaigner, tirelessly working for Tamil asylum seekers – or ‘boat people’ from Sri Lanka in recent terms- who desperate fled their ever dangerous country.
The decades-longed war in Sri Lanka was ended last year but in a way of massacre killing said-to-be tens of thousands civilians let alone those LTTE cadres including the surrendered. May the civilized world bring one day these ‘possible’ war criminals in Colombo to the International tribunal, as they have been doing doing now in Cambodia…?
This is Sara’s statement regarding Tamil asylum seekers with critical comments on the opportunistic political areana in particularly Australia, but of course whole international community, commencing ‘herstory’.
Penseur21 -
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By Sara Nathan
Sara Nathan recalls the horror she felt as a teenager 27 years ago when she watched Tamils in Colombo being massacred whilst the Police and Army watched on. In this event alone, 3000 Tamils were killed and over 100,000 displaced and is \remembered by displaced Tamils all over the world as Black July. It was the last straw for Sara’s family and they left Sri Lanka in 1985. Tens of thousands of Tamils have been massacred by various Sri Lankan governments since Sri Lanka gained independence from the British in 1948.
Ms Nathan noted that the international community had welcomed the formation of the UN Advisory Panel, created by the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon to advise on the accountability related to the violation of the international human-rights and humanitarian laws during the war between the government forces and the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka. However, she felt political opportunism in Australia has failed to restore morality to the “boat people” debate and also failed to focus on the root cause of boat people. She asks, “Why has the Australian Government not condemned Sri Lanka for disrupting Ban Ki-Moon’s representatives from doing their work when the UN office was attacked and police sent in to protect the UN officials were called off by the President’s own brother! If UN officials are unsafe in Sri Lanka, what hope is there for Tamils who are all branded as “Tigers” or “Tiger sympathizers”. “
In numerous discussions with the Australian Government, Ms Nathan and other well known long-term Tamil rights campaigners repeatedly warned that Tamils would leave Sri Lanka in droves if the war was not stopped. Ms Nathan said that it was important that aid to Sri Lanka had to be conditional and transparent and that the Foreign Minister, Stephen Smith should not have just visited Sri Lanka’s capital cityColombo, to discuss border protection and not visit the internment camps or raise human rights issues with the Rajapakse regime. Ms Nathan noted that if Stephen Smith had gone to the camps in the presence of the media with independent Tamil translators, spoken to non-governmental representatives about the rape, torture and resettlement issues faced by Tamils, he would know exactly why Tamils are fleeing Sri Lanka on boats for Australia.
A Tamil man in one of a few IDPs camp in Batticaloa, the eastern province of Sri Lanka. Hundreds of IDPs in this camp fled from Mutur, Sampur or elsewhere in Trincomalee (upper east) in 2006 as the government forces launched offensive against Tamil Tigers. Even if a full scale of fighting in eastern province was over in the mid of 2007, the IDPs still have no clue when they could return home as of visiting time in the mid of 2009. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
A Tamil woman nurses her one year old baby, who was born in one of a few IDPs camp in Batticaloa, the eastern province of Sri Lanka. Hundreds of IDPs in this camp fled from Mutur, Sampur or elsewhere in Trincomalee (upper east) in 2006 as the government forces launched offensive against Tamil Tigers. Even if a full scale of fighting in eastern province was over in the mid of 2007, the IDPs still have no clue when they could return home as of visiting time in the mid of 2009. Sri Lankan government has declared Eastern Province ‘liberated from the LTTE’ 2007. The "liberated" east, however, witnessed abductions and violences committed by paramilitary forces and the armed forces. Ramnants of LTTE were also said to be active as of visiting time. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Furthermore, while the current government is only too happy to talk and consult with the Sri Lankan Government, we are extremely disappointed that they are not speaking to Tamil leaders in Sri Lanka. It’s a very off-hand and archaic approach to a tragic humanitarian crisis. Day in and day out, Australian Government officials hear claims from Tamil asylum seekers of rape, torture, murder, harassment, persecution and of cultural and human genocide. The body of emerging evidence is overwhelming and too many unanswered questions remain which has prompted the UN to act. The Sri Lankan Government is not cooperating, acts in a dictatorial and arrogant manner and the Australian Government needs to distance itself from a regime which is under investigation for war crimes.
Ms Nathan advised that the President of the Canadian Tamil Congress Prof. Sri Ranjan said “this perhaps is the first war ever with such an alarming number of incidents of war crimes captured and saved by digital devices, and the civilized world is obliged to take tangible action.” Furthermore, the US Assistant Secretary of State Arthur Dewey who served in Sri Lanka as a member of the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons, observing Sri Lanka’s own investigation on human-right violations noted that “The Sri Lankan government has proven time and again that it’s unwilling to ensure accountability for serious violations.”
If Tamil people feel safe in their traditional homelands, they will not flee Sri Lanka. After all, the very same people who survived the tragic devastation of the Tsunami in 2005 did not flee Sri Lanka for Australia in boats. With the help of the international community and the Tamil Diaspora, they got back on their feet and tried to re-build their lives. Schools, homes and hospitals that were rebuilt in these exact same areas were destroyed by bombs as innocent civilians took shelter in them. It is human rights violations that are forcing people to risk their lives on leaky boats, keeping people smugglers in business and forcing Australia to spend millions of dollars in funding International Organisation of Migration and other organisations in the region.
Ms Nathan said that human rights issues warrant a bi-partisan approach so that they are not hijacked by racist and un-informed elements on talk-back radio. . The Australian Government must support the Tamil people’s right to self-determination and the UN’s war crimes advisory panel so that justice for hundreds of thousands of Tamil victims killed or displaced can ultimately lead to reconciliation and genuine peace in Sri Lanka. Ms Nathan said a global Boycott Sri Lanka movement was well underway. We are utterly disappointed with the attitude of Labor and the Liberals and so we are appealing directly to the Australian people who we know are fair and just. Australians supported Bob Hawke when he led the over-throw of the South African Apartheid regime and the release of Nelson Mandela who was imprisoned for over two decades because he was accused of being a “terrorist”. In the same way, Australians can stop the boats coming here by boycotting Sri Lanka. Do not drink Ceylon tea, do not travel to Sri Lanka, do not buy Sri Lankan garments made by GAP, Victoria’s Secret or Diesel and do not watch the Sri Lanka cricket team when they tour Australia in November this year.
Riz Khan: Sri Lanka’s ethnic divisions
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Tr3HP3Nvigg&feature=channel
101 East – A new Sri Lanka
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YGQqwcxA6cg
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