Asahi Kosei (M) Sdn. Bhd must respect Human Rights and Worker Rights
Reinstate Thiha Soe and Aung San Without Loss of Benefits
==============================================
We, the undersigned 66 organizations, groups and networks are shocked at how Asahi Kosei (M) Sdn Bhd has unjustly treated its workers, in particular the 31 Burmese Migrant Workers, working at the factory at Lot 3377, Jalan Perusahaan Utama, Taman Industri Selesa Jaya, 43300 Balakong, Selangor Darul Ehsan, Malaysia.
On or about 31/1/2011, 31 Burmese migrant workers complained about non-compliance by the employer with their agreement. The workers alleged that the employer was paying them far less than what was promised. They also expressed disappointment in the wrongful deductions from their wages, which included deduction for hostel charges when the agreement was that the employer shall provide free accommodation. They also raised their disagreement with the deduction of RM50-00 for every day that a worker does not come to work, when the daily rate of pay is only RM20. They also wanted paid medical leave, which really is already a legal right in Malaysia.
In response, the workers informed us that on 7/2/2011 a gang of persons came and threatened them at their hostel. The police allegedly came with these persons. Before they left, these persons took all cooking utensils and materials, television, cooking gas, refrigerator, table fan and rice cooker) used by the workers. They switched off the electric main switch, and left the workers in the dark with no electricity. These persons reasonably can be assumed to be workers/agents of the employer.
Two workers, without their consent, were allegedly taken to the Kuala Lumpur International Airport (KLIA) with the impression that the employer will be sending them back to Burma (Myanmar). Fortunately, the said 2 workers managed to escape and run away.
On 8/2/2011, the workers lodged a complaint with the Malaysian Human Rights Commission (SUHAKAM) and also were preparing the formal paperwork required to lodge a complaint with the Labour Department.
On 9/2/2011, the employer had a meeting with the said 31 workers, whereby they proposed:-
a) an increase the salary to RM23 per day (whereby previously it was RM20),
b) that there will be no more allowances (previously RM2/day was paid as shift allowance and RM30 as monthly allowance)
c) that if worker is absent for 2 days in one month, they will deduct RM-50 (previously for ever day absent, the employer deducted RM50)
d) Hostel Charges shall be reduced to RM30 per month (previously it was RM50 per month)
The employer then gave the workers an ultimatum that they sign the new contract now, or be terminated and sent back to Burma immediately. The workers were not given any opportunity or time to consider the proposal, or to discuss the matter further.
Finally, all workers save 2, cowed under pressure and signed the new contract. The 2 workers who did not sign are Thiha Soe (PP No: A 458011) and Aung San (PP No: A432863), whereby Aung San was the worker who signed the complaint for and on behalf of all the workers when the complaint was lodged at the Human Rights Commission on 8/2/2011.
Thiha Soe and Aung San were then handed over by the employer to the recruitment agent, possibly to send them back to Burma. Both workers have been separated and taken to different undisclosed location. Both workers do not want to be sent back to Burma, and want to continue working at Asahi Kosei(M) Sdn Bhd factory in Balakong.
Asahi Kosei(M) Sdn Bhd, a subsidiary of Asahi Kosei Japan Co. Ltd., which makes Die-Cast Aluminium Parts for HDD(Computer Parts), VTR, And Automotive parts for, amongst others, Hitachi Ltd Automotive Systems, Hitachi Seisakusho, Denso(Toyota), Kawasaki Heavy Industry, Hitachi(Thai), Modenas , Seiko Instrument, Hitachi Global Storage, Matsushita Kotobuki, Matsushita Electronics, Toshiba, Maxtor, Seiko Epson, Kanematsu Device, Sony, Hitachi, Matsushita, JVC, Mitsubishi Electric, Philips, Sharp, Sanyo, Toshiba, Thomson, Yaskawa and Hitachi Mexico. It is sad that some companies with declared code of conducts and standards are seen to be associated with companies that violate worker and human rights.
We the undersigned 66 organizations, groups and networks
a) Call for Asahi Kosei(M) Sdn Bhd to immediately reinstate Thiha Soe and Aung San without any loss of benefits, and if they have already been sent back to Burma to cause that they be brought back to Malaysia to work;
b) Call for Asahi Kosei(M) Sdn Bhd to apologize to its workers for the wrongs it did, and to pay fair compensation/damages for their actions/omissions that violated rights of their workers;
c) Call for Malaysian government and/or the relevant Ministries/Department to take necessary action against Asahi Kosei(M) Sdn Bhd and the said recruiting agent concerned to ensure that justice is done for the workers;
d) Call on the Malaysian government to legislate and make actions of preventing workers access to justice an offence with a substantial penalty, that will deter employers resorting to termination and/or deportation as a threat and/or means to avoid legitimate claims by their workers;
e) Call on Local Councils and State authorities, who do issue permits and allow factories to operate within their jurisdiction, to ensure that such factories do not violate human rights and worker rights. Asahi Kosei (M) Sdn Bhd operates in the state of Selangor;
e) Call on the Malaysian government to ensure that no migrant worker is sent back to their country of origin before first verifying that all outstanding and/or potential claims and disputes between worker and employer (and/or agent or other relevant party) in Malaysia have been fully and finally settled.
f) Call on Hitachi, Sony, Philips and other companies who do have a Code of Conduct and/or who proclaim that they hold human rights and worker rights as important, who have been listed as customers of Asahi Kosei (M) Sdn Bhd and/or Asahi Kosei Japan Co. Ltd to seriously re-evaluate their relationship with such companies that clearly do not respect human rights and worker rights.
g) Call on consumers and/or investors to take into consideration human rights, including worker rights of companies and their supply chain when they do invest and/or purchase their consumer products.
Charles Hector
Pranom Somwong
Ko Tun Tun
For and on behalf of the following 66 organizations
Abra Tinguian Ilocano Society – Hong Kong (ATIS-HK)
Abra Migrant Workers Welfare Association (AMWWA)
ALIRAN, Malaysia
All Burma Students League
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM), Hong Kong
Association of Concerned Filipinos in Hong Kong (ACFIL-HK)
Association of Indonesian Migrant Workers, Hong Kong
Asia Pacific Students and Youth Association (ASA)
BAYAN Hong Kong
BAYAN USA
Campagne Vêtements Propres, Belgium
Centre d’appui aux Philippines – Centre for Philippine Concerns, Canada
Cordillera Alliance in Hong Kong (CORALL-HK)
Building and Wood Workers International (BWI)
Burma Campaign Malaysia
Burma Partnership
Centre Communautaire des Femmes Sud-Asiatique, Montréal, Canada
Centre d’appui aux Philippines – Centre for Philippine Concerns, Canada
Cuyapo Association Hong Kong
Democratic Party for New Society (DPNS), Burma
Empower, Thailand
Filipino Friends in Hong Kong
Filipino Migrants Association (FMA)
Filipino Migrant Center (FMC) in USA
Filipino Migrant Workers’ Union – Hong Kong (FMWU)
Filipino Women Migrant Workers Association (FILWOM)
Filipino Women’s Organization in Quebec, Canada
Free Burma Coalition, Philippines
Friends of Bethune House (FBH), Hong Kong
GABRIELA Hong Kong
GoodElectronics Network
Health Equity Initiatives, Malaysia
HMISC (Hsinchu Catholic Diocee Migrants and Immigrants Service Center), Taiwan
IMA Research Foundation, Bangladesh
Johor Texitle And Garments Workers Union
KAFTI (Japan)
Kilusang Mayo Uno, Philippines
Legal Support for Children and Women (LSCW), Cambodia
LIKHA Filipino Migrant Cultural Organization
MADPET – Malaysians against Death Penalty and Torture
May 1st Coalition, USA
MIGRANTE Europe, Netherlands
Migrante International
Migrante – Middle East
MIGRANTE Sectoral Party – Hong Kong
Mission Volunteers (MOVERS)
National Human Rights Society (HAKAM), Malaysia
National Union of Transport Equipment and Allied Industries Workers(NUTEAIW)
Network of Action for Migrants in Malaysia (NAMM)
Pangasinan Organization for Welfare, Empowerment and Rights (POWER)
Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
Pinatud a Saleng ti Umili (PSU)
Pusat Komas
Quê Me: Action for Democracy in Vietnam, France
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM), Malaysia
Thai Committee for Refugees (TCR)
Think Centre, Singapore
Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2), Singapore
United Filipinos in Hong Kong (UNIFIL-MIGRANTE-HK)
United Indonesians Against Overcharging, Hong Kong
Vietnam Committee on Human Rights, France
WARBE Development Foundation, Bangladesh
Workers Hub For Change (WH4C)
World Forum for Democratization in Asia
Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association (YCOWA), Thailand
Burma: Suu Kyi freed, but anger high at rigged vote
“The whole process was a fake!”, said Khin Maung Swe, a 68-year-old leader of the National Democratic Force (NDF), a break away from the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi. “We just won 16 seats [out of the 163 the NDF contested] because of the so-called advance votes.”
Khin Maung Swe expressed outraged at process of counting votes in the Burma’s elections held on November 7 for the first time in 20 years. Opponents of the military junta said it rigged many “advance votes”, votes cast before the official date of the election, through threats and bribes.
Unlike the NDF, the NLD boycotted the poll, arguing the election would not be fair and free. Regardless of the poll’s outcome, the military would keep control of key ministries. Under the constitution, a quarter of the 440 parliamentary seats are reserved for unelected military officials.
In May, the ruling junta passed a law that banned anyone serving a prison term for belonging to a political party from running for office. This excluded Burma’s more than 2000 political prisoners.
The regime has now released Suu Kyi on Saturday, 6 days after the elections. All the flaws of the votes seems to be pulled away in the media for the time being, as the release of Aung San Suu Kyi is prioritized in newspapers and broadcasts.
“We will register our complaint with Election Commission”, Khin Maung Swe told me in a phone interview two days after the elections. When asked if he trusted the commission, he answered: “How can we trust the junta-appointed commission? But we should take action whatever we can.”
In our first phone interview, on voting day, Khin Maung Swe optimistically said he thought 50-70% of the NDF’s 163 candidates could win.
He told me then: “We do know the election is not fair and free. But democracy is not an abstract matter, it should be tangible. This election is a starting point.”
Khin Maung Swe’s hopes did not seem to be an illusion, assuming the counting process was transparent. However, that hope has proven to be an illusion.
“Many people voted for NDF. People like it, because it will say right thing for our future” said Kyi Maung (name changed) a resident in Rangoon, the former capital and biggest city in Burma.
“But it’s failed, because [the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP)] bought a lot of advance votes.” He added.
For Kyi Maung, this was his ever election in his “30-plus” years. He was interested to take the opportunity to learn who was who and what was what.
But, Kyi Maung said, “The Lady’s party didn’t participate!”, in reference to Suu Kyi and the NLD. He said people would have voted NLD if it had taken part.
NLD members gathered at their Headquarters in Rangoon to celebrate Suu Kyi's 63rd birthday in 2008. Thugs from the Union Solidarity Development Association (now USDP) disturbed the gathering. Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung
Another resident in Rangoon, a lawyer, chose to boycott the elections. “I cannot endorse the 2008 constitution”, he said. “It is a military constitution.”
According to one NGO worker in Rangoon, most people were not clear who is running or who they would vote for. However, he said “I have not met a single person that wants to vote for USDP. Most strongly favor the NDF.”
Nevertheless, the junta-backed USDP secured for itself a “landslide victory”. The USDP has grabbed a number of seats, which democratic parties could have expected to win, thanks to its control of advance votes.
The Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) issued a statement on November 9 calling on the junta to “urgently clarify why the counting process was not made transparent to the public and the media beginning with the first advance voting period”.
“This is the worst election in Asia” said ANFREL director Somsri Hananumtasuk, who has monitored many elections in Asia.
Asked if ANFREL ever requested permission from the junta to monitor of the election, she said: “No. Why should we endorse the election by monitoring it?”
The general elections in Burma, sometimes called “the generals’ elections”, is the fifth step in the junta’s “Seven Step Roadmap to Disciplined Democracy”. This process began in 1993, when the junta called all parties to participate in a national convention to draft a new constitution.
In 1993, the Union Solidarity Development Association (USDA) was also formed. Ostensibly a “social organisation”, but the USDA is the junta’s proxy force to intimidate people and harass opponents. In 2003, then-prime minister and spy chief Khin Nyunt turned the process into a “roadmap”. The so-called roadmap has been continued, although Khin Nyunt was kicked out by the junta the next year. The USDA acted as violent militia, attacking Suu Kyi and her followers in a parade in May 2003, killing about a hundred people. It transformed itself into a political party, the USDP, to take part in the recent poll.
At this critical junction in Burma’s struggle for democracy, it is crucial to review what opponents of the junta, especially the NLD, have and have not achieved since 1990. The NLD is the only legal opposition group with a popular mandate, derived from the 1990 poll.
The junta has carried out its roadmap one step after another, but the NLD has failed to create an alternative, democratic roadmap. Neither has the NLD sought to organize and lead mass protests against the military dictatorship — it has simply taken part in such protests when they have occurred though.
Suu Kyi and the NLD have long pursued “dialogue” with the junta, which has never listened during many failed talks.
Bertil Lintner, a renowned journalist, has detailed what he considered fatal mistakes by NLD after the 1990 election in his book entitled Aung San Suu Kyi and Burma’s Struggle for Democracy, which was published by Asia Network in South Korea in 2007.
Linter said after the May 1990 election, the junta was stunned by NLD’s landslide win and spent weeks in a state of shock. However, he said the NLD simply waited for the junta to hand it power. He said the NLD made a mistake in not immediately declaring its victory before the world and mobilising it supporters. And further, NLD should have directed the army to be loyal to the newly formed government led by NLD. But nothing happened as such but waited to be robbed their power by the army afterwards.
Such inaction and lack of political strategy seemed to be repeated in the latest elections.
It was only a handful of NLD youth, as well another youth group called Generation Wave that was formed after the monk-led Saffron revolution in 2007, who actually agitated for the boycott campaign throughout Burma. Yet before and after the elections, there was a surprising level of discussion among ordinary people about politics inside Burma.
A Rangoon-based analyst put it in : “Common people are talking openly about politics now —in barber shops, taxis, internet cafes. There is outrage too at the reports about the advance voting.
“And this anger is itself a healthy sign of the re-emerging political milieu.”
It is regrettable that the boycott campaign did not seek to use these unprecedented “open spaces”.
On election day, there was reportedly a banner in front of NLD headquarters in Rangoon that read: “Five days left until the Lady is released.”
No one doubts Suu Kyi’s release would be a big victory, long awaited by the entire world short of the junta and its friends. However the banner reveals the absence of a political message on the very day of election.
Meanwhile the armed ethnic groups at the border have formed alliances against the junta’s forces since weeks before the election. One outstanding development is an alliance of Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA), the armed wing of Karen rebel group KNU, and the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) brigade 5.
KNLA and DKBA have been foes since the DKBA split from the KNLA 15 years ago to become pro-junta militia.
Both have been killing each others members since the split.
A rebel in a jungle base of eastern Burma reads a magazine with a picture of Aung San Suu Kyi. Suu Kyi was release from house arrest on November 13. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
However, the election process has provided space for them to unite. Since the new constitution was passed by the sham referendum amid the terrible disaster cyclone in 2008, the junta has pressured the armed ethnic groups with which it has a cease-fire to transform themselves into Border Guard Forces (BGF) under the junta’s command.
Most DKBA brigades agreed. However, DKBA Brigade 5, launched an attack on election day on government compounds in Myawaddy, a border town in eastern Burma.
A KNLA source confirmed to me its rumored support for the DKBA brigade. “Before they started in Myawaddy at 9am”, the source said, “the DKBA combined with KNLA to launch an attack in Wa Lay, southern part of Maesot in Thai side of border at 8am”.
The source said the KNLA would continue to support DKBA Brigade 5 in fighting against the Junta. Since hostilities broke out on the elections day, there have been reports of the clashes spread over more of the borders areas.
Sein Win, the editor of India-based Burmese exile publication Mizzma, said: “There will be no end of conflict and no democracy in Burma without solving the ethnic problems.”
The controversial elections have certainly overshadowed the junta’s ambitions to advance its roadmap. But it’s too early to predict what the repercussions of the rigged result will be for the junta.
The junta’s ambition to control all ethnic armies has been resisted by seemingly united ethnic forces. But it also remains to see whether or not the world’s longest civil war will be resumed on a large scale.
Most of all, Suu Kyi, as she is free, will face a divided opposition and complicated politics and ethnic issues. There is no doubt there are huge expectations and hope placed on her. If Suu Kyi’s response is the same idealistic hope of dialogue with the junta as in the past, the struggle for democracy in Burma may become stalled.
It is time for the democratic forces of Burma to present a plan for the way forward in materialized. It is, in the end, the people of Burma who will achieve democracy and self-determination for ethnic minorities.
http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/46105
’민간복 군사독재’ 완성?
[세계] 부정선거로 얼룩진 버마 총선…
군부의 영구집권 시나리오에 맞설 야권의 정치력과 민주 진영의 전술 부재 시험대 올라
“선거의 전 과정이 날조다. 이른바 ‘사전 투표’(부재자투표의 일종) 부정 때문에 (상·하원과 지방의회 전체 1159석 가운데) 16석밖에 못 얻었다.”
지난 11월7일 버마(미얀마)에서 20년 만에 치러진 총선에서 ‘최대 민주 야당’으로 주목받은 민족민주세력(NDF) 대표 킨 마웅스웨는 9일 밤 전화 인터뷰에서 흥분을 감추지 못했다. 그는 불과 이틀 전 투표가 진행 중이던 오후께만 해도 여유와 자신감을 보였었다.
이번 선거에서 보이콧 입장을 취한 민족민주동맹 (NLD) 랑군 본부. 선거 운동 기간 NLD는 보이콧 '선언' 이상의 '캠페인'을 주도적으로 벌이지 못했다는 평이다. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
“아시아권 최악의 부정선거”
아웅산 수치가 이끄는 민족민주동맹(NLD)이 총선 보이콧(선거 거부)을 선언하자 당을 깨고 나온 그는 NDF를 창당하고 선거에 참여했다. 그가 애당초 기대한 50~70% 당선률은 과대망상만은 아니었다. 취재 과정에서 접한 버마의 민심은 소수민족주를 제외하면 NDF를 찍겠다는 분위기가 달아올랐다.
“NDF지! 많은 사람들이 그 당은 미래를 위해 옳은 일을 할거라고 믿으며 좋아해.” 서른 중반의 랑군 시민 틴 마웅(가명)은 태어나서 처음 해보는 선거에 대한 기대가 컸다. “그 여사(아웅산 수치) 당은 출마를 안 했단 말이야! 그 당이 출마했으면 당연히….” NLD의 보이콧을 아쉬워하는 틴 마웅의 말엔 수치의 인기가 배어 있다. 결국 그가 찍은 NDF 후보는 출처를 알 수 없는 ‘사전 투표함’에 밀려 낙선됐다. 틴 마웅은 “매우 혼란스럽고 화가 난다”고 말했다. 또 다른 랑군 시민은 “군정이 미는 연방단결발전당(USDP)을 찍겠다는 이는 눈 씻고 찾아봐도 없다. 하나같이 그 당을 혐오한다. 투표에 관심 있는 이들은 모두 NDF다”라고 말했다. 그는 시민들이 투표소가 어디 있는지 잘 모르고, 한 투표소에서는 투표를 진행할 공무원이 거의 나타나지 않았다며 선거 당일의 풍경을 전했다.
대중의 열망을 결집시키지 못한 NLD
1990년 총선에서 NLD가 거둔 83%의 압승 기록에 도전하려는 군정의 권력 1인자 탄 슈웨(77) 국가평화발전평의회(SPDC) 의장의 야심은 익히 알려졌다. 최종 개표 결과는 공식적으로 발표되지 않은 채, 11월9일 오후 USDP는 ‘고참 당직자’라는 익명을 빌려 ‘80% 압승’을 언론에 흘렸다. 이 여당의 압승으로 탄 슈웨의 야심은 현실화된 셈이다. 1997년 이래 아시아 국가의 선거를 감시해온 아시아자유선거네트워크(ANFREL)의 사무국장 솜싯 하나눈타숙은 투명성·공정성·자유성 차원에서 이번 선거는 아시아권에서 최악이라고 평가했다. 아울러 “군정이 우리 감시단의 모니터를 허용했더라도 거부했을 것”이라는 그의 말은 NLD와 망명 단체들이 주도한 선거 보이콧이 국제사회에 미친 파급력을 고스란히 반영한다.
2010년 11월 13일 7년간의 가택연금을 마치고 석방된 아웅산 수치는 여전히 높은 지명도와 인기를 국내외적으로 어김없이 보여주었다. 석방된 아웅산 수치가 버마 민주화 운동의 '상징' 이상의 전술적 노련함을 보일지, 분열된 야권과 영구집권 체제를 공고히 해가는 군부에 어떻게 맞설지 전면 물음표로 남아 있다. 사진은 2008년 6월 19일 가택연금 중이던 아웅산 수치의 63회 생일을 축하하기 위해 NLD 랑군 본부에 모여든 당원들의 모습. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
보이콧에 동참한 랑군의 변호사 우아웅탄의 말처럼 “‘군사헌법’이나 다름없는 2008년 헌법에 기반한 이번 선거를 인정할 수 없다”는 입장은 민주주의의 원칙에서나 군정 시나리오에 놀아나지 않는다는 원칙에서나 옳고도 남는다. 그러나 군부의 영구 집권 시나리오에 맞설 야권의 정치력과 민주 진영의 전술은 선거를 전후로 분열과 무기력 증세를 보이며 시험대에 올라 있다.
보이콧 진영을 들여다보자. 버마 내부에서 보이콧을 주도한 건 ‘세대물결’이라는 신생 조직이었다. 이 조직의 활동가 보보(가명)는 “페인트 스프레이로 ‘2010’이라 쓰고 그 위에 ‘×’를 그은 다음 바로 흩어지는 게릴라 전술”로 선거의 부당함을 알려왔다. 보이콧의 상징이던 NLD는 실상 선거를 전후해 카페·이발소 등에서 정치를 주제로 대화와 토론이 벌어지는, 전에 없던 기현상의 틈새를 파고들지 못했다. 보이콧을 ‘선언’만 했을 뿐 ‘캠페인’으로 상승시키지 못한 무기력은 선거 당일 랑군의 NLD 본부 앞에 걸린 현수막이 보여주었다. 이날 당사 앞에는 ‘보이콧’ 석 자나 군정의 부정선거를 고발하는 글자 대신 “5일 남았다. (아웅산 수치) 여사가 석방되기까지는”이라는 문구가 걸려 있었다.
“한 사람에게 의존해선 안 된다고 생각한다. 분파 야당 NDF도 선거를 통해 제도정치권으로 들어가 변화를 모색하는 게 얼마나 어려운지 절감했을 것이다. 군정이 민주세력에 호락호락 공간을 내줄 리 없다.” 망명 언론 <이라와디>의 편집장 아웅 조의 지적이다. 11월13일 석방될 것으로 보이는 수치가 분열된 야권과 ‘민간복 군정’을 어떻게 상대할지는 물음표로 남아 있다.
기대한 득표율에 턱도 못 미친 민주 야당 NDF로서는 겹겹으로 둘러싸인 친군부 의회와 ‘배신자’라는 낙인 사이에서 무거운 짐을 지고 의회정치에 들어서게 됐다. 짧은 시차를 두고 가진 여러 언론과의 인터뷰에서 대표 킨 마웅스웨가 다소 오락가락하는 발언을 한 건 종잡을 수 없는 작금의 버마 정치나 야권의 모습을 보여주는 게 아닐까 싶다.
소수민족 저항으로 국경엔 ‘전운’
한편, 영구집권 시나리오로 집대성한 군정의 2008년 신헌법은 반세기 넘게 자치를 걸고 싸워온 소수 민족 진영에 지속적 반향을 낳고 있다. 신헌법 7장 338조에 따라 휴전 무장단체를 국경수비대로 전환해 버마군의 단일명령 체계하에 두려는 군정의 압박은 여러 해 잠잠하던 소수민족 무장단체들의 결집 현상을 낳고 있다. 선거 당일부터 사흘간 국경수비대 편입을 거부하는 소수민족 반군‘민주카렌불교도군(DKBA) 5여단’의 관공서 공격으로 타이-버마 국경 인근 미아와디 등에서 정부군과 치열한 교전이 벌어져, 버마인 2만여 명이 타이로 피난을 떠난 사태가 그 한 토막이다. 소수민족 문제를 해결하지 않고는 버마 민주화도 분쟁 해결도 없다는 해묵은 공식이, 야권은 분열하고 소수민족 반군은 결집하는 복잡한 버마 정세 속으로 새삼 파고들고 있다. ‘민간복 독재 시대’로 향하는 버마 군정은 국경의 전운을 만나고 있다.
방콕(타이)=이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
<킨 마웅스웨 NDF 대표 인터뷰>
“선거 보이콧보다 빈곤 해결이 우선”
킨 마웅스웨(68) 민족민주세력(NDF) 대표는 지난 11월9일 전화 인터뷰에서 아웅산 수치의 선거 거부를 비판하고, 의회에서 버마의 변화를 이루겠다고 강조했다.
» 킨 마웅스웨(68) 민족민주세력(NDF) 대표 (사진출처 : 미즈마 닷컴)
-민족민주동맹(NLD)이 선언한 선거 보이콧이 어떤 영향을 미쳤나.
=소용없는 전술이었다. 시민들이 별로 귀담아듣지 않았다. 어느 시민이나 투표할 권리가 있다.
-국제사회는 대체로 보이콧에 동정하거나 찬성했는데.
=국제사회는 버마인이 직면한 빈곤이나 경제문제를 해결하는 것을 더 염려해야 한다. 그게 버마인에게 더 이익을 줄 것이다.
-선거에 참여한 걸 후회하진 않나.
=전혀 아니다. 다만, 민주주의의 열망을 갖고 우리 당에 표를 준 유권자에게 미안할 뿐이다.
-군정에 유리한 헌법과 선거법하에서 선거에 참여하는 의미는.
=기나긴 터널을 지나지 않으면 민주주의를 이룰 수 없다. 국민의 이익을 위해 불공정하지만 현실을 받아들이고, 선거에 참여함으로써 민주주의에 다가갈 수 있으리라고 판단했다. 민주주의란 게 피상적인 주제가 아닌가. 빈곤 문제를 가급적 빨리 극복해야 한다. 앞으로 10년, 두 번의 선거는 지나야 급한 불을 끌 수 있을 것이다.
-의회에서 제기할 첫 번째 의제는.
=조건 없는 정치범 석방을 강력하게 밀어붙일 것이며, 첫 5년은 경제개발에 초점을 맞출 계획이다. 이 모든 건 민주주의를 향한 지난한 과정이다. 우린 더 이상 군사정부의 지배를 당하고만 있을 수 없다. 우리 스스로 수립해야 할 과제가 많다.
-또 다른 군인들의 정당인 민족단결당(NUP)과 같은 야당으로서 손을 잡을 수 있나.
=사안에 따라 그럴 수 있다. 정당 자체가 아니라 국민의 이익에 반하는 세력이 우리 적이다.
-아웅산 수치에게 기대하는 바는.
=그는 전 동료이자 민주주의의 상징이지만 내가 몸담은 정당의 지도부는 아니다. 민족 화해나 경제문제 해결을 위해 함께 머리를 맞대고 싶다.
-거리시위 풍경은 이제 없어지는 건가.
=무엇을 위해 또 거리에 나서겠나. 많은 사람이 희생당했지만 별다른 변화를 낳지 못했다. 의회에서 현안을 해결하는 데 주력하겠다.
<한겨레21> [2010.11.19 제836호]
http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/28495.html
JVC Unjustly Discriminates Against Burmese Migrant Women Workers Who Claim Worker Rights
We, the undersigned 71 civil society organizations and groups, would like to express our serious concern that JVC has indicated that they will not re-new the employment contracts of Pa Pa Aye and 15 other Burmese women migrant workers, who lodged a claim at the Labour Department claiming worker rights that the JVC company had violated, amongst them the wrongful deduction of their wages to recover levy that employers have to pay when they employ foreign workers. The other 7 workers, who complained, whose contract was renewed in August, will also be terminated and repatriated. The information contained in this statement has been provided by the affected workers.
JVC has its factory at Lot. No.1, Persiaran Jubli Perak, Jalan 22/1, Section 22, Shah Alam, 40702 Shah Alam, Selangor, Malaysia, and they manufactures cameras, video cameras and audio equipment components, amongst others.
On 21/7/2010, Pa Pa Aye and 22 other women migrant workers lodged a complaint at the Subang Jaya Labour Office in Malaysia. Amongst their demands were for the return of monies wrongly deducted from their wages for levy the employer had to pay to the Malaysian government for employing migrant workers, other unlawful deductions like transfer fees, saving funds, etc amounting to about RM3,500-00, and for the return of the Passports which are still wrongly being held by the employer . They were also claiming for the balance of the wages that they were entitled. According to the workers, the employer was to pay them much more about RM50 per day but they were only paid the sum of RM23.
On 6/8/2010, after night shift when the women workers were being transported back to their homes, their bus took a different route, and suddenly stopped where the agent was waiting. The agent then called one of the Burmese women migrant workers who had complaint to the Labour Department and asked her to leave the bus and follow him. The workers suspected that the agent was trying to get the worker sent back to Burma, and they stood together and prevented the agent from taking the worker. The workers then lodged a police report about this incident. There have also been other cases of harassment, whereby in one incident 3 men entered the women’s hostel and threatened them.
The workers, through their representatives, which included an officer from the Malaysian Trade Union Congress (MTUC) also complained about this incident to JVC, and JVC gave the assurance that this will not happen again and they guaranteed that all workers could continue to work in JVC.
On 12/8/2010, the agent tried to force the workers to sign a new contract, but all workers refused to sign it. The pressure on the workers to sign the new contract took place at the factory compound. Later on the same day the JVC’s Human Resource Manager, one Mr. Mazlan, and the HR Assistant Manager, one Ms. Ida, also tried to pressure the workers to sign the new contracts. The new contract was written in English only (just like their old contract). The workers to date do not have a copy of their old contract, as they were never given a copy. The new contract allegedly stated that their daily salary will be reduced to RM21, which is RM2 less than what the workers have been getting until now.
On 25/8/2010, the Burmese workers informed us that JVC had summarily dismissed 30 Sri Lanka women migrant workers in retaliation for their demand that JVC pay them their promised monthly salary of RM750. After the dismissal JVC and the agent, Fast Link Trans, began forceful repatriation of the workers. On 28/8/2010, 8 Sri Lankan workers were allegedly sent home. These workers apparently never received the amount owing them and/or any compensation for premature termination of their contract.
On 8/9/2010, JVC’s Human Resources Officer, in the presence of the Labour Officer and the agent’s representative from a company known as Fast Link Trans, tried to return to the Burmese workers the amount they said was the levy that had been wrongfully deducted from the wages and asked the workers to sign a document which was in English. The workers refused as the amount offered was far less than the sum deducted, and they did not want to sign any document which was in a language they did not know.
The company also refused to give a copy of the document to enable them to get an independent person who spoke Burmese to translate its contents to them.
On 28/9/2010, the agent informed the workers that when their current annual contract expires, their contracts will not be renewed and they will all be sent back to Burma. The contracts of 15 of these workers’ contract will expire in October, and the rest by the end of the year. Pa Pa Aye’s own contract expires in early November. The contracts of 7 others which expired in August have already been renewed. Later, on about 7/10/2010, the agent informed the workers that all 23 of them will be terminated and sent back to Burma. The process of forced repatriation of the Burmese workers has already begun with one worker being sent back to Burma on 9/10/2010.
It must be stated that according to the workers, when they came to Malaysia to work with JVC the agreement was that they will be employed for a period of at least 3 years, but when they arrived and started working, they were made to sign 1-year contracts with the verbal assurance that it will be renewed every year for at least a total of 3 years. The threat of early termination and deportation is also wrong and discriminatory as JVC has continued to renew contracts of others who had started work around the same time as these Burmese migrant workers.
Any early termination, and/or non renewal of the 1-year employment contracts by JVC can reasonably be seen as a retaliation of the company against workers who have elected to claim their rights as workers. Their case at the Labour Department is pending, and a termination and repatriation back to Burma will mean that the workers will not be able to continue to pursue their claim in the Labour Department/Court as the presence of the worker in the hearing of their claims against the employer is compulsory, and their absence will mean that their case will just be struck off,
We, the undersigned groups, call upon JVC to respect worker rights and their right to access to justice and not cause these 23 Burmese workers to be terminated and deported.
We urge that JVC to respect the law and the legal process initiated by the lodging of the complaint by the workers at the Labour Department, and to respect and abide with the outcome of the hearing at the Labour Court. Workers should not be terminated and/or discriminated against by reason of the fact that they choose to demand for their rights or better rights as workers. For those who have already been repatriated back to their country of origin, including those workers from Sri Lanka, JVC must compensate them for their expenses in coming to Malaysia to work, and for the early termination of their employment.
We call on JVC to act justly and not to terminate these workers, and to renew their contract so that they can pursue their claims until completion. JVC should also adhere to their earlier promise that these workers will be employed for a period of at least 3 years, for migrant workers do expend a lot of money (850-1,000 USD) when they do come to Malaysia to work and any early termination and breach of rights will only leave these workers in a worse situation as they may not be even to settle the debts they incurred in coming here to Malaysia to work.
We call on Human Rights Commission of Malaysia (SUHAKAM) to inquire into this complaint concerning the violation of worker rights by JVC.
We also call on the Malaysian government and the Human Resource Minister to ensure that no workers are terminated and/or discriminated against by reason of the fact that they have stood up to claim their rights as workers.
The Malaysian government should also ensure that no migrant worker is terminated and/or repatriated back to their country of origins until the employer has fully settled all outstanding worker claims and/or payments. If migrant workers are terminated, the Malaysian government must ensure that these workers are allowed to stay and work legally in Malaysia until all outstanding claims and legal processes are settled. If special passes and visas are required to ensure workers ability to stay and work legally, it must be given gratis without requiring the workers to pay anything. Worker cases must be expedited, and independent translators should be available at all Labour Departments and courts.
Labour rights must take precedent over immigration law. Do not deport until worker claims are determined and settled by Labour Department and/or courts.
Charles Hector
Pranom Somwong
For and on behalf of the following 71 organizations
ALIRAN,
Asia Pacific Forum on Women ,Law and Development ( APWLD)
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM)
Asian Migrants Center (AMC)
Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma)
BAYAN USA
BUGKOS
Building and Wood Workers International Asia Pacific Regional Office
Burma Campaign, Malaysia
Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
Coalition To Abolish Modern-Day Slavery In Asia
Committee for Asian Women (CAW)
Community Development Services (CDS), Sri Lanka
Coordination of Action Research on AIDS & Mobility (CARAM-ASIA)
Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS), Burma
FICAP – Aichi
Filipino Migrants Center – FMC
Forum for Democracy in Burma
GABRIELA – Japan
Gabriela-Taiwan
Grassroots Human Rights Education & Development (GHRE-FED), Thailand
Human Rights Education Institute of Burma
IHI Action Group (Iwi Have Influence), New Zealand
IMA Research Foundation, Bangladesh
Kachin Women’s Association, Thailand
KAFIN – Nagoya
KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section
League of Filipino Seniors (LFS)
Legal Support for Children and Women (LSCW), Cambodia
MADPET – Malaysians against Death Penalty and Torture
Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
MAP Foundation, Thailand
May 1st Coalition, Co-Coordinator, USA
Mekong Migration Network ( MMN)
Migrante Aotearoa New Zealand
Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA)
Migrante-Denmark chapter
Migranteng Ilonggo sa Taiwan
Migrante International
Migrante international – Hsinchuang chapter
Migrante International – Taiwan chapter
Migrante-Middle East and Migrante-Saudi Arabia chapter
MIGRANTE – Nagoya
Migrants Trade Union (MTU), Korea
Migrant Workers Network – New Zealand
National League for Democracy [NLD (LA)], Malaysia
Nepal Institute of Development Studies( NIDS) ,NEPAL
Network for Empowerment of Women in Vietnam
Network of Action for Migrants in Malaysia (NAMM)
Parti Rakyat Malaysia (PRM)
Penggerak Belia Zon 23 MPSJ, Malaysia
Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan, Malaysia
Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah, Malaysia
Persatuan Prihatin Komuniti KL & Selangor
Philippine Society in Japan – Nagoya
PINAY (Montreal)
Pusat Komas, Malaysia
Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor, Malaysia
Shan Refugee Organization (Malaysia)
Shan Women Action Network (SWAN), Thailand
Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
Tenaganita, Malaysia
The Federation of Trade Unions Burma (FTUB)
The Filipino Women’s Organization in Quebec
The National Human Rights Society (Persatuan Kebangsaan Hak Asasi Manusia, HAKAM), Malaysia
The Shwe Gas Movement
Unite Union New Zealand
Women Empowerment Association
Workers Hub for Change (WH4C)
Yaung Chi Oo Workers Association ( YCOWA)
Yayasan Annisa Swasti (YASANTI), Indonesia
아시아의 얼굴,아시아의 투쟁/ Portraits of Asia – Burma
58년 군부독재, 60여년 내전. ‘버.마.’
풍부한 자원과 고등인력으로 한 때는 아시아에서 가장 유망한 국가였다는 버마의 오늘은 ‘참’ 참담하다. 군부 독재가 말아먹은 정치와 인권은 거의 회복 불능의 상황에 놓여 있는 게 아닌가 싶고. 교육, 의료, 경제 등 기본생존권과 최저생활은 정말 많이 망가졌다.
88 랑군항쟁 이후 버마를 빠져나온 젊은이들과 민주세력들의 상황도 못지 않게 괴롭다. 타이-버마 국경 정글에서 오도가도 못한 채 생계에 허덕이는 게릴들은 조금씩 잃어가는 정글 터전을 부여잡고 있다. 그 정글을, 여전히 버마를 탈출하는 이들과 난민들이 헤쳐 지나가고 있다. 2007년 승려들이 몰고온 일말의 시위바람이 잠시 세상을 놀라게 했으나, 유혈진압당한 ‘샤프란 혁명’ 역시 동트는 새벽을 기다리기 보다는 또 다른 탈출로 이어졌다. 탈출한 일부 승려들은 이미 난민 정착 프로그램을 타고 유럽이나 미국으로 떠났고, 일부는 타이 국경 도시 메솟이나, 이동의 자유가 없는 난민캠프에서 지내고 있다.
2010년 버마의 정치는 더더욱 술렁이고 있다. 90년 아웅산 수치의 민족민주동맹 (NLD) 압승을 인정치 않고 권력을 쥐고 있던 군부정권 (SPDC)은 2010년 말에 총선을 치르겠다고 발표했기 때문이다. 이 총선이 90년 총선 이후 별다르게 한 것 없이 세월을 보낸 아웅산 수치의 민족민주동맹 (NLD) 은 물론 여러 민주 진영을 더더욱 갈라 놓고 있다. 우선, NLD는 선거 보이콧을 천명함에 따라 강제 해산당했다. 그리고 당원 일부는 탈당하여 ‘민족민주세력’ (National Democratic Forces) 라는 신당을 창당해 총선에 참여하겠다는 입장을 밝혔다. ’88세대’ 등이 주도한 ’88세대 학생당’ (88 Generation Student Youths) 도 선거 참여를 선언했다. 그러나 이번 선거가 버마에 민주주의라는 지푸라기를 가져다줄거라는 기대나 분석은 기대하지 마시라. 되려 ‘민’ 동반한 영구집권을 노리는 것으로 분석된다. 권력은 여전히 군부들의 손에 있으며, 군부가 ‘길러낸’ 민간 사병 조직들이 버마의 일상에 박혀버린 오늘이다.
2004년 여름 처음 취재한 버마는 나의 안테나를 수시로 건드린다. 불법일수 밖에 없는 버마 내부 취재, ‘사실상 불법’일 수 밖에 없는 타이-버마국경 취재 등으로 담은 사진들 중 몇 장 추려 올린다.
랑군 시내 민족민주동맹(NLD) 본부 (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
2008년 6월 19일 아웅산 수치의 생일 잔치를 치르던 민족민주동맹 (NLD) 당사 본부에 친정부 행동대원들이 출동했다. 생일잔치는 옥외시위로 번졌고 당원들은 스크럼을 짜고 당사를 지켰다. 그리고 사복경찰과 친정부 행동대원들은 당원 몇 명을 잡아갔다. (Burma, 2008 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
랑군 강을 건너는 주민들. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
랑군 쉐다곤 파고다를 한 승려가 걷고 있다. 2007년 승려들이 주도한 '샤프란 혁명' 이 거세게 일던 사원이기도 하다. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
흔히 '티 숍' (Tea Shop) 이라 불리는 거리 까페는 랑군 시민들, 젊은이들이 사회관계를 맺는 주요 공간이다. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
인레는 아름답다. 버마 중북부의 샨주에 위치한 인레 호숫가에는 발로 배를 젓는 이들의 모습을 쉽게 볼 수 있다. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ YU K. Lee)
버마 중북부 도시 만달레이 야시장에서 한 승려가 헌책들을 들쳐보고 있다. 2007년 9월 ‘샤프란 혁명’을 주도한 버마의 승려들은 정치적이고 사회변화에 관심이 많다. 정식 교육이 제 기능을 못하는 버마에서 사원은 교육 기관이자, 무료로 숙식을 해결할 수 있는 수양처이기도 하다. 이런 이유로 가난한 배경을 지닌 이들은 종교적 귀의목적이 아니더라도 승려가 되는 경우가 적지 않다. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
사진속 여인은 2008년 5월 버마를 강타한 사이클론 나르기스의 피해자이다. 최소 13만명의 목숨을 앗아간 엄청난 재난을 눈앞에 두고 버마 군부는 긴급 구호를 수월히 하기 보다는 막기에 급급했다. “처음엔 정부가 조금이라도 도와주지 않을까 생각했는데…” 라며 야속한 정부에 대해 말을 잇지 못하는 여인의 가족은 남폄을 포함해 일곱 식구가 모두 일용직 노동으로 생계를 꾸려간다. 가족 총수입은 하루 평균 3천 차트 (3달러 미만)이다. (Burma, 2008 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
2009년 9월 타이 버마 국경 정글에서 카렌반군 (KNU) 와 버마학생민주전선 (ABSDF) 의 공동 순찰이 진행 중이다. 그해 6월 제 5여단으로 지정된 이 구역이 버마군의 대대적 공격을 받았고, 9월 공격설이 도는 가운데 반군들도 경계를 강화하고 있다. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
타이-버마 국경지대에서 무장투쟁을 벌이는 버마학생민주전선(ABSDF) 대원이 타이-버마 국경을 가르는 살윈강을 배로 건너고 있다. 멀찌감치 보이는 가게로 ‘쇼핑’을 가는 길이다. 랑군의 봄. 버마의 88 민중항쟁 후 정글로 쏟아진 이들이 결성한 버마학생민주전선은 그러나 자금줄이 급격히 차단되면서 심각한 생계난을 겪고 있다. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
버마학생민주전선 (ABSDF) 신입대원. 그는 2007년 샤프란 혁명으로 불리는 시위가 유혈진압당하자, 무장투쟁에 동참하겠다며 정글로 왔다. 그러나 그가 직면한 건 무기조차 제대로 갖추지 못한 배고픈 게릴라 조직이다. 그의 모습 뒤로 보이는 어린이 사진은, 난민정착 프로그램으로 미국으로 떠난 전 대원의 어린 시절, 또 하나는 비폭력 저항의 예찬론자인 아웅산 수치. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
툰툰윙(28)은 버마 88항쟁 이후 타이-버마 국경에서 무장투쟁을 벌이는 버마학생민주전선(ABSDF) 대원이다. 버마군이 마을주민들을 포터(군사물자를 실어나르는 강제 노동)로 이용하는 걸 보며 자란 그는 1998년 집을 몰래 빠져나와 정글로 왔고 버마군과 싸우겠다고 다짐했다. 그리고 2007년, 마을에 보급투쟁을 나갔다가 버마군의 기습 공격을 받고 오른쪽 팔에 총상을 입었다. 총상 입은 환자를 누인 나무평상을 어깨에 들고 동료들은 3주 동안 험한 정글을 탔다. 국경을 넘어 타이 북부 치앙마이 병원까지 실려온 그는 그러나 한달 치료 후 팔을 절단해야 했다. 오른 팔을 잃은 그는 왼팔로 쉴새 없이 담배를 핀다. 2004년 처음 민주전선을 취재할 때 그는 두팔 지닌 게릴라였다. 2009년 다시 찾아간 정글에서 긴옷 속에 묻힌 잃어버린 팔을 미처 깨닫지 못했다. 그가 자신의 이야기를 털어놓기 전까지는... (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
버마 군으로 복무하다 반군 통치영토로 넘어온 버마군 탈영병사 (오른쪽 두 명)들이 카렌 반군 (왼쪽 두명)의 ‘보호’아래 지내고 있다. 강제 모집과 납치 등에 의존하는 버마군의 모집 방식때문에 버마군을 탈영하는 병사들이 적지 않다. 이들은 주로 반군 지역으로 넘어와 반군이 되어 싸우거나, 국경넘어 타이 북부로 넘어와 불법 이주노동자로 살아간다. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
이 남성은 버마 군에 의해 포터로 이용되다 반군인 카렌해방군 영토로 넘어왔다. 배가 고프고 말라리아에 걸렸지만 아무런 대처를 하지 못해 탈출을 결심했다고 말한다. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
타이-버마 국경과 맞닿은 이투타 피난민(IDPs : Internally Displaced Persons) 캠프의 어린이들. 이투타 캠프는 2006년부터 강화된 버마 군의 군사 작전으로 쫓겨온 카렌 난민들이 대거 거주하고 있다. (Thai-Burma border EiTuTha IDPs camp, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
타이-버마 국경과 맞닿은 이투타 피난민 (IDPs : Internally Displaced Persons) 캠프의 병원에서 폐렴 환자가 누워있다. 이 정글 병원에는 말라리아 환자가 가장 많다. (Thai-Burma border EiTuTha IDPs camp, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
우틴쉐 (72)는 승려로 살아간다. 그의 사원은 타이-버마 국경 웨지의 버마학생민주전선 본부 근처 정글 한가운데 있다. 카렌족인 그는 1962년 부터 78년까지 버마 군이었다. 군 생활을 그만 둔 뒤 10 년간 자신의 고향에서 카렌 반군의 첩자노릇을 했다. 그리고 88 년 랑군의 봄을 거치며 정글로 도망친 그는 버마학생민주전선 (ABSDF) 게릴라가 되었다. 나이가 너무 들어 게릴라 생활을 이어가지 못한 그는 2002년 이래 정글 사원의 승려로 살아가고 있는 게다. (Thai-Burma border, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
“마을이 있긴 어딨나. 피난처에서 왔지. 2년간 먹을 것도 없이 헤매다가…” 어느 마을출신인지 묻자 그렇게 답하는 사진 속 노인은 버마 소수민족인 카렌족, 이름은 소우 텔리 75세. 60년 넘게 세계 최장기 내전을 벌이고 있는 버마-타이 국경 부근 카렌주에서 노인은 1975년부터 피난처 찾아다니는 인생을 살고 있다고 말했다. 버마-타이 국경과 맞닿은 정글 내전 지역에서 버마군은 마을을 불태우고, 소수민족 여성들을 강간하고, 주민들을 포터로 강제 동원하거나 총살하고 있다. (Thai-Burma border EiTuTha IDPs camp, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
누비스 승려들이 버마 중북부 포코쿠의 한 사원에서 공부하고 있다. 포코쿠는 2007년 승려들이 주도한 '샤프란 혁명'이 시작된 지역 중 하나다. (Burma, 2007 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
버마 승려 킹 제로 (32, 본명 우이에따리야) 는 2007년 9월 ‘샤프란 혁명’을 이끌었던 전버마승려연합(ABMA)의 주역이다. 시위가 무력진압된 후 1년여 도피생활을 하던 그는 2008년 10월 초 국경을 넘어 타이 북부 매솟으로 와 망명생활을 하고 있다. 그의 동료 우 감비라 (30)는 2008년 11월 초 체포된 후 63년형을 받고 복역중이다. (Mesot in Northern Thailand, 2009 / Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Burma on the brink of civil war
May 4, 2010
Burma is drawing severely close to widespread civil war. Tensions between the ruling military junta and numerous ethnic armed forces have reached their highest in 20 years and look likely to cause an eruption of violence in coming months.
Continued demands from military rulers, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), on all non-state armed groups to join the national forces continue to be rejected, leaving over a dozen decades-old ceasefires perilously under threat. In a country where civilians are routinely targeted by the government as part of military strategy, the expected outcomes are nothing short of horrific.
On April 28th, the final deadline passed for all of Burma’s ceasefire armies to accept the junta’s Border Guard Force plan, a process that aims to bring them under direct state control and work to eradicate all remaining insurgents. Determined to stay autonomous until their people are given greater rights to civil, political and humane justice, almost all groups have rejected the plan calling for a political dialogue to achieve national reconciliation.
As SPDC troops move in on “ceasefire zones”, thousands of civilians have been forced to flee their homes, many not for the first time, in search of refuge. Some have moved into Thailand across its northern and western borders while others have remained in Burma fleeing to the jungle or deeper into ceasefire zones. There are an estimated 1-3 million internally displaced people in Burma and over 150,000 refugees in Thailand. These figures could rise dramatically if the SPDC carries out its threats that “war will break out like it did in 1989.”
During the month of April, numerous statements were made by ethnic leaders calling for peaceful solutions to the nation’s protracted military and political tensions. However these requests have been met with persistent threats of violence from the ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) forcing the groups to prepare for battle.
After almost a year of threats from the SPDC, speculation that conflict would reignite appears to be becoming a reality. Everyday seems to take Burma a step closer to widespread civil war and it is fast becoming a question of not if but when. The clearest indicators that heightened conflict is imminent have been shown by the civilians who have fled their homes, stopped trading or put prices up on their market stalls. For the older generations who experienced widespread civil war in the 1980s these are likely all warning signs of a return to the struggle of living amongst conflict.
–
Kim Jolliffe
Advocacy Manager
Worlwide Impact Now
Thai Troops “harassing” Myanmar refugees
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=djElqJ1LhNU&feature=player_embedded
Migrant workers worried over Thai nationality check demand
source : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bswV3k25FSM&feature=player_embedded
Burma : 3,600 Workers Protest for Worker Rights – February 2010
Open Letter
19 February 2010
Dr Surin Pitsuwan,
Secretary General of ASEAN,
The ASEAN Secretariat,
70A Jl. Sisingamangaraja,
Jakarta 12110, Indonesia
Tel : (6221) 7262991, 7243372
Fax : (6221) 7398234, 7243504
Heads of Government of
Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia,
Lao PDR, Malaysia, Burma (Myanmar), Philippines,
Singapore, Thailand & Viet Nam,
c/o Secretary General of ASEAN
Dear Sirs/Madam,
Re: Justice for Workers in Burma
3,600 Workers Protest for Worker Rights – February 2010
On 8/2/2010, about 3,600 factory workers, mostly women, from 3 factories in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone in Rangoon, Burma, protested against low wages and the substandard working conditions they are forced to endure in the factories.
It was reported that the workers at the Taiyee shoe factory and the Opal 2 garment factory began protests on Monday calling for higher daily wages, overtime payments and several other demands. On Tuesday, workers from the Kya Lay garment factory joined the strike action.
The workers, mostly women, staged protests outside the factories and inside a factory compound, where they sat down and refused to work. The three factories employ a total of about 3,600 workers.
The monthly income of most factory workers in Burma is very low, ranging from 20,000 kyat [USD20] to 40,000 kyat [USD40], thus forcing many workers to work overtime. Most workers work from 7 am to 11 pm daily. Many factory owners employ temporary workers who have no legal recourse if they are fired without compensation, according to former factory workers in Rangoon. More than 80 percent of factory workers in Rangoon work on a day-to-day basis. Most are young women between 15 and 27 years of age who come from the countryside in search of a better living.
[The Irrawaddy, Authorities Threaten Violence at Rangoon Strike – http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=17771]
The workers’ demands in these actions, for example, with regard to wages, as was reported, are for a mere USD10 increase per month. The Burmese government’s response to this legitimate industrial action by workers was excessive and oppressive It was reported that, the “…Authorities used barbed wire barricades to block roads leading to the factories in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone in the city’s north-east, and more than 50 truckloads of riot police carrying batons and shields were deployed and at least six fire engines and five prison vans were parked near the factories…” [AP - Straits Times, 10/2/2010, Myanmar workers on strike]
Today (19/2/2010) although the workers are back in the factories, they continue demanding for their rights. In Burma, they are even more vulnerable and powerless without a change in the existing laws to allow the right to assembly and to allow workers the right to form unions.
Burma is a member of ASEAN, and as such we call upon ASEAN and all ASEAN member countries to do the needful to ensure that workers in Burma, just like other workers in other ASEAN countries, also receive just wages, have a safe and healthy working environment, enjoy the right to form unions and all other universally acknowledged worker and human rights.
We also call on ASEAN, and ASEAN member countries to closely monitor the current situation at the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone, and ensure that these workers rights are recognized and respected, and that the Burmese government refrains from further interfering in this pursuit of rights by workers in Burma.
Further, on 23 October 2009, the Heads of State/Government of ASEAN presided over the Inaugural Ceremony of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR), during which they also announced the “Cha-am Hua Hin Declaration on the Inauguration of the AICHR” to pledge full support to this new ASEAN body and emphasize their commitment to further develop cooperation to promote and protect human rights in the region.
Noting that the primary purpose of the AICHR is to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms of the peoples of ASEAN, we hope that the AICHR will begin proving that it is not merely a toothless tiger by ensuring that the human rights of these workers in Burma are promoted and protected.
Many ASEAN member countries, like Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand, invest significantly in Burma. We hope that these economic and other self-interest considerations will not affect the way ASEAN, and its member nations, response to human rights violations of the ordinary people and workers in ASEAN.
I look forward to hearing your response,
Yours sincerely,
-sgd-
Pranom Somwong
Charles Hector
3585A Kg Lubuk Layang,
Batu 3, Jalan Mentakab,
28000 Temerloh, Pahang, Malaysia. Tel+60192371300
Email:- p_somwong@yahoo.com ; chef@tm.net.my
For and on behalf of the 56 Organizations/groups listed below:-
ALTSEAN-BURMA
All Kachin Students and Youth Union
All Burma Federation of Student Unions (Foreign Affairs’ Committee)
Asia Pacific Forum on Women Law and development (APWLD)
Asia Pacific Solidarity Coalition (APSOC)
Asian Migrants Center(AMC)
Alliance of Progressive Labor (APL) – Youth and Women
‘Alltogether’, the South Korean left organization
Amnesty International Philippines
Batis Aware, Philippines
Burma Global Action Network
Burmese Women’s Union (BWU)
Burmese Rohingya Association in Japan
Burma Campaign, Malaysia
Canadian Friends of Burma (CFOB)
Center for Migrant Advocacy (CMA) Philippines
Center for Overseas Workers (COW)
Coalition against Trafficking in Women – Asia Pacific
Chin Democracy and Human Rights Network (South Korea)
Civil Society Committee of LLG Cultural Development Centre Bhd(LLGCSC), Malaysia
Committee for Asian Women (CAW)
Coordination of Action Research on AIDS and Mobility (CARAM) Asia
Democratic Party for a New Society (DPNS)
Empower Foundation, Thailand
Free Burma Coalition Philippines (FBC-Philippines)
Free Burma Coalition – Philippines (Women’s Committee)
Foundation for Education and Development, Thailand
Human Rights Education Institute of Burma (HREIB)
Human Rights and Development Foundation (Thailand)
Initiatives for International Dialogue (IID)
JERIT (Oppressed People’s Network, Malaysia)
Kachin Development Networking Group
Korean House for International Solidarity, KHIS
Labour Behind the Label, United Kingdom
MAP Foundation, Thailand
Malaysian Trades Union Congress (MTUC)
MSC/NWC- Sri Lanka,
MAKALAYA (Women Workers Network)
Migrant Forum in Asia (MFA)
National League for Democracy [NLD (LA)], Malaysia
Network of Action for Migrants in Malaysia (NAMM)
Network for Democracy and Development
Parti Sosialis Malaysia (Socialist Party of Malaysia, PSM)
Pagkakaisa ng Kababaihan para sa Kalayaan (KAISA-KA)
Piglas Kababaihan
Partido ng Manggagawa (PM – Workers’ Party)
Seoul-Gyeonggi-Incheon Migrants’ Trade union (MTU), Korea
Studio Xang Art for Migrant Children,Thailand
Thai Labour Campaign (TLC), Thailand
Think Center (Singapore)
The Action Network for Migrants (ANM), Thailand
The Shan Refugee Organization (SRO), Malaysia
Task Force on ASEAN and Burma (TFAB)
Worker Hub for Change (WH4C)
Women Health, Philippines
World March for Women – Philippines
c.c. Workers in Burma - solidarityburma@gmail.com
Burmese workers on Strike (2nd Update)
As I first posted the regional statement in solidarity with Burmese workers on strike yesterday, more materials have been found or ‘hit’ my mail box, thus to update as below.
http://www.cosatu.org.za/show.php?include=docs/pr/2010/pr0210.html&ID=2901&cat=COSATU%20Today
http://www.mizzima.com/news/inside-burma/3509-fear-of-strikes-leads-to-factories-declaring-holiday.html
http://www.straitstimes.com/BreakingNews/SEAsia/Story/STIStory_488928.html
http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=17781
http://www.greenleft.org.au/2010/826/42512
Continual updates on the strike situation can be found at
http://nomosthoughts.tumblr.com/post/384967583/urgent-support-workers-strike-now
Penseur21 -
——————-
Feb. 12, 2009
Solidarity Statement for the Struggle of Burma Working Class by ;
Working Peoples Association (Indonesia), Singapore Democratic Party, Socialist Party of Malaysia, Socialist Alternative (Australia), Confederation Congress of Indonesia Union Alliance, Socialist Workers (New Zealand), Socialist Alliance (Australia), Young Democrats (Singapore), Partido ng Manggangawa (Philippine), Congress of South African Trade Unions, Partido Lakas ng Masa (Philippine)
Workers at the Taiyi shoe factory and Opal 2 garment factory began a strike on Monday, 8 February 2010. They are demanding an increase in salary of 10.000 Kyat (US$ 10), a reduction of working hours and the provision of a clean space for meal. The strike started in the Mya Fashion garment factory in No. 3 Factory Zone of Rangoon’s Hlaing Thrayar Township.
Now they are being blocked by riot police trucks, at least 50 trucks packed with riot police carrying assault rifles and shields were dispatched. They are prevented from leaving the factory zone and no one has been allowed to enter. Police securing roads surrounding the Hlaingtharyar Industrial Zone, about 11 km outside the biggest city, Yangon.
Overall the working condition in Burma is worse. The Burmese military regime is pro foreign capital and depends on cheap wage and deplorable working condition to attract foreign investments. Like other democratic rights in Burma, the democratic rights of workers like freedom to form trade unions is also being repressed.
The rise of working class is a good sign for the possibility of fundamental changes in Burma. The rise of working class should be supported by all peoples’ movements in Burma and internationally. Seeing that we the undersigned organizations and political parties support the struggle of Burma’s working class and demand:
1. The workers’ just demands must be fulfilled
2. Reject any form of repression of workers
3. Full democratic rights for the workers including the right to organize, build independent trade union and to form political parties.
We declare our fullest support to the People of Burma to build a democratic Burma. Because only with a democratic Burma prosperity and justice can be achieved.
If your organization want to sign this joint statement, please contact: international@prp-indonesia.org
–
Ign Mahendra K
Chairperson of International Department
Socialism, The True Liberation for Working People!
Socialism, The Solution for Global Crisis of Capitalism!
Unite, Build Working Class Party!
Perhimpunan Rakyat Pekerja
Working Peoples Association
工友联盟
Ассоциация Трудящихся
l’Association des ouvriers
काम पीपुल्स एसोसिएशन
تعمل رابطة الشعوب
Trabalho Associação dos Povos
作業人民協会
Asociación de Trabajadores
Jalan Kramat Sawah IV No 26 RT 04/ RW 07, Paseban, Jakarta Pusat 10440 Indonesia
Phone/ Fax: +62-21-3917317
Email: komite.pusat@prp-indonesia.org/ prppusat@gmail.com/ prppusat@yahoo.com
Website: www.prp-indonesia.org
Facebook: Perhimpunan Rakyat Pekerja
========================================
Feb 12th 2010
Support Workers’ Demands for Labour Rights in Burma
Joint statement by ;
Asian Migrant Centre, MAP Foundation and the Workers and Farmers Solidarity League of Burma
On February 8th 2010, 3,600 factory workers, mostly women, in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone in Rangoon, Burma, protested against the substandard working conditions they are forced to endure in the factories. Workers employed at the Opal 2 and Mya Fashion factories demanded a wage increase of 10US$ a month. The next day, workers at the Taiyee shoe factory, and the Kya Lay garment factory also came out to demand the enforcement of public holidays, an increase in their daily wage, proper payment of overtime and other basic rights.
The Burmese military regime responded by bringing in hundreds of armed police and warned the workers that they would face a violent crackdown if they did not disperse peacefully. On February 10th the workers had little choice but to accept a compromised settlement of a monthly increase of US$2 –US$5. But then the next day, February 11th, workers from Myanmar Sunny shoe factory form Industrial Zone No.(2) and from Miss Style shoe factory from Industrial Zone No.(3) announced that they would also demand increased wages.
The industrial zone where these factories are located employs between 50,000 to 70,000 workers. The factories are owned by Korean, Thai and Burmese nationals, among others.
Burma continues to be ruled by a military dictatorship with a record of violent crack- downs against any form of protest or gatherings over 5 people. Trade unions are banned. Workers in Burma are thus denied their basic rights of assembly and collective bargaining. In addition, with a blackout on news coverage of any unrest, workers are completely isolated from international attention.
The isolation of the workers, the presence of the military and the history of the regime is cause for grave concern for the safety and the rights of all workers in Burma and urgently for the workers in the Hlaing Tharyar industrial zone.
It is also important to note that there are no international agencies in Burma who can support the rights of workers and monitor the situation, due to the restrictive political environment inside Burma.
Asian Migrant Centre, MAP Foundation and the Workers and Farmers Solidarity League of Burma, applaud the brave action taken by the workers and stand in solidarity with all workers in Burma in their struggle for workers rights. We are deeply disturbed by the threat of military force by the military junta in responding to these strikes by workers exercising their freedom of association.
The workers in Burma need your voices. They need your trade unions, civil society organizations and media to highlight their situation, to raise these violations of workers rights with your governments, especially those who are investing in Burma and your governments who are trading with Burma. Please petition your governments urgently.
The workers in Burma need you to demand that the International Labour Organisation (ILO) expand its mandate in Burma to include all forms of exploitation, not only forced labour.
You can also write letters to Sen. Gen Than Shwe c/o Ministry of Defence, Naypyidaw, Myanmar, to express your outrage at the use of threats of violence to quell workers’ call for a US$5 a month raise.
And finally please send a message of support to the brave workers in Burma at solidarityburma@gmail.com
Unite with Workers in Burma!
For further information, please contact:
Workers and Farmers Solidarity League of Burma at Wfslb2009@gmail.com
or email: solidarityburma@gmail.com
or contact Reiko Harima Asian Migrant Centre Tel: +852 23120031
or contact Jackie Pollock MAP Tel: +66 860904118
Forgotten Guerrillas
“I’ve lost 12 friends of mine during Saffran revolution in 2007. Now I’ve been here for a real revolution”
A new cadre of All Burma Student Democratic Front (or ABSDF)
Backgrounds
All Burma Student Democratic Front (or ABSDF) is an armed group, which has been fighting against the Burma’s military rulers since 1988. It was founded in November 1st in 1988, as a product of the popular 88 uprising in Burma. Back then, not only students but also various walks of lives, who had fled the country to jungle, have joined the uniquely named ‘student insurgency’ group. However, it had undergone factional division in early 90s, which is said to be a common phenomenon among Burmese movements. The two factions were later on united after the fall of Manerplaw in 1996, which was considered as a significant loss for ABSDF let alone for the Karen National Liberation Army (or KNLA).
ABSDF apparently has been decaying out for the past decade. The Bush’s doctrine of ‘War on terror’, global abhorrence on armed struggle and ‘non violence’ dominating NGOs trend in Burmese movement along with its own shortcomings all have affected the student armed group to put them at a loss. It’s slowly become a “forgotten guerrilla”.
ABSDF has headquarted in Wei Gyi at the bank of Salween River in Karen state. It also has positioned some parts of Papun district in Northern Karen state and elsewhere in Burma. Despite its weakness, ABSDF has welcomed new recruits, who have joined in it after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007. Some dozens of new arrivals have taken military training in early 2008 according to the organization. The forgotten guerrilla group has now looked forward to having new generation to challenge forced recruits touted-Burmese army.
ABSDF cadres in Wei Gyi headquarter (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are having lunch in Wei Gyi head quarter. As the organization has had financial problem for long, its cadres usually take a simple meal, often twice a day. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are having a tea at a shop nearby their Wei Gyi head quarter. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
KNLA and ABSDF combined team patrols parts of Brigade 5 area, as there’s possibility of SPDC military offensive after “Brigade 7”, the southern Karen State, has fallen to the DKBA and Burma Army combined-forces. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
U Tin Shwe (72) is a monk living in a jungle of Wei Gyi. His life has dramatically turned its faces a few times. Originally from Karen community, he had served Burma Army from 1962 till 1978. After resignation from the Army, he has been a KNU informer in his hometown for nearly 10 years until he fled to a jungle to join ABSDF after 88 uprising. As he’s got too old to take jungle trekking as a guerrilla force, he has decided to become a monk since 2002 after consulting with the group’s leadership. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadre goes along the Salween River, where a number of its cadres have drowned for decades. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
An ABSDF cadre is listening to radio news. As like many Burmese in and out of the country, ABSDF cadres do catch radio news from VOA, RFA and BBC. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Sein Lin (31) used to be a SPDC army. He had deserted the Army in 1999 to come over to ABSDF’s side. He is mainly in charge of cooking. As the SPDC has a history of forcible recruitment of youth and children in Burma, many of its soldiers have deserted the Army and often ran into the insurgency controlled territory. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Tun Tun Wing (28) has lost his right arm, as he got shot by Burma Army while he’s been in Bilin township in Mon state to collect some materials for his organization in September 2007. Without first aid for his injury, he had had to travel through jungle with help of his colleagues and villagers for 3 weeks to reach to the border area. And then he headed for Chiang Mai hospital in northern Thailand, where he has received a treatment for two months. After one month in a hospital, however, he’s told by doctor that his injured arm got to be amputated due to spread infection. Tun Tun Wing has joined the ABSDF back in 1998 after witnessing atrocities by Burmes forces, who forced villagers to be porters in his home town for so long. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A new cadre of ABSDF, who has joined the armed struggle after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007, holds AK47 rifle. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A new cadre of ABSDF, who has joined the armed struggle after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007, is sitting before the childhood picture of the former ABSDF member, who’s now living in the US, and the picture of the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are watching the footage of the organization’s struggle. As electricity is not available in a jungle, they rarely use generator, which can be operated with oil, since years ago. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
“I’m from a hiding place”
Reportage from ‘Brigade 5’ in Karen state of Burma |
| Ei Tu Hta, Ueclo, WeiGyi (Burma), by Yu-Kyung Lee, 07 November 2009 |
“There’s no village. I’m from a hiding place. No food for 2 years….”
Saw Telly (75), who cannot hear well, answered in a harsh voice. He was mulling over when was the last time that he had lived in a ‘village’ but failed to remember, saying that he has continued to look for ‘hiding places’ since 1975.
“We were 10 family members including six of my grand children, who were crying all the time while fleeing. It took a week to reach here”
He was describing about his last ‘jungle trekking’ to search out another ‘hiding place’, which was ended up in Ei Tu Hta IDPs camp. The camp is located in ‘Brigade 5’ – which is defined as such by Karen insurgency group KNU – along the Salween River on the border with northern Thailand. The camp is allegedly surrounded by a couple of Burmese Army camps, which are two hours away on foot.
“Even if another fighting would erupt here, I can’t move anymore. I’m too old” the 75 years old Karen man said.
No more flee
It was Mae Sam Leap, the quiet small town along the Salween River in northern Thailand, where boat would depart to reach Ei Tu Hta camp. Three Thai Army check points on Thai side and one ‘invisible’ Burma Army post on Burma side are positioned on this route. The area of Ei Tu Hta used to be a battalion post of KNLA – the armed wing of KNU -, but now accommodating some 4,000 IDPs who’ve fled their previous places 3 years ago. The people all were displaced due to the all-out military offensive in Eastern Burma, which was started from November 2005 through 2006 till 2007.
“It was very different from the previous operations. We couldn’t find a shelter, as it was taking place all over my district” said Saw Mar Su (53), who fled Kolu village in Tangoo district to arrive in Ei Tu Hta after 12 days jungle trekking. His village has been burned down four times by the Burmese Army who forcibly displaced people to “Turmidoe” village which is 6 hours away on foot. It is generally understood that the Burmese military routinely burn down villages as a means to relocate people, often aiming at alienating villagers from insurgency and using them as porters. But it was not a typical scene that the Army didn’t retreat village after burning it, as this was happening in the said operation.
“So we couldn’t rebuild our house, no farming…. That’s why we fled to this edge” Saw Mar Su continued.
Ei Tu Hta IDPs camp is located in KNLA’s Brigade 5, which is said to be a next target of Burma Army after the June offensive by DKBA combined SPDC forces in Brigade 7 area. Some 5000 IDPs in the camp are the ones, who fled the 2006 general operation in the Karen state by the Burma Army. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
The offensive in Eastern Burma was launched in November 2005 in coincidence with the launch of new capital Neypidaw, which is
strategically located in a junction of the civil war-ravaged ethnic states. The Burmese Junta seemed to have attempted to root out any influence of insurgency around the area of new capital.
Meanwhile, taking further boat trip from Ei Tu Hta to the north for about 30 minutes, another camp site was being emerged in Ueclo, where some 480 IDPs have been sheltering since July 2007. The camp is called ‘Section 6 of Ei Tu Hta’ and IDPs here are late arrivals after having endured the army assault utmost. As like other refugee camps, Ueclo used to be nothing but a deep forest, where people establish their temporary shelter, where they try to farm as much as they can. However Ueclo is not the place for farming because much of rocks surround the area. People complaint they cannot cultivate vegetables either.
“First we arrived here in 2006 to spend a week under the open sky without proper lying place. And then we moved to Ei Tu Hta”
Nancy (60), the English teacher for the ‘Post Ten School’ in Ei Tu Hta camp, recalled those days. She has fled to Ei Tu Hta with his ailing husband, whom she had to pick up on her back A-frame for 12 days in a jungle.
“I feel rather safe in Ei Tu Hta first in decades, during which I’ve had to move numerous times” she added.
Yet ‘safe’ is not a sustainable word in this ‘Jungle world’. After the Burma Army and the pro-Junta Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (or DKBA) have jointly assaulted upon ‘Brigade 7’ – southern Karen state – in June, a sequent operation has been predicted in ‘Brigade 5’ in September, October or anytime soon after rainy season. The offensive in Brigade 7 was unprecedentedly conducted in rainy season but became a ‘success’ for the Junta and DKBA, as the area was fallen to them after 3 weeks-long fierce battle with KNLA. As a result, some 4,000 IDPs in Ler Per Her camp in Brigade 7 have been displaced to the Tha Song Yang refugee camp on Thai side. Remnants of KNLA since then have been ambushing the DKBA, which has been now controlling the area. With no one’s doubt, it was the greatest loss for KNU since the fall of Manerflaw in 1995, where it used to be headquartered.
Sequent offensive’ feared“Brigade 5 is different from Brigade 7, where quite some DKBA forces already stationed before the June operation. Here (Brigade 5) and Brigade 3 are heavily guarded by our forces. It’s not easy for them to launch offensive here”
Col. Saw Kyaw Moo (59), the officer in charge of 1st battalion of KNLA in Brigade 5, confidently said.
Saw Ya Htu (54, right in the picture), a chairperson of Ei Tu Hta IDPs camp, is talking with Aung Min(50) the officer of Agricultural Center of the camp. He claimed that the camp committee is ready to make people flee if there’s any indication of movement of either government forces or DKBA forces. “We have two boats, which can carry 50 and 100 persons respectively. We would have enough time to make people flee to safe area.” He said. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
One of the leaders of KNU, who didn’t want his name in public, has endorsed this view based on the ‘agreements’ that was signed by Thai Army and Burmese Army as well as by Thai Army and KNU. According to the agreements, as the anonymous leader articulated, Thai Army has strongly demanded the two hostile forces – KNLA and the Burma Army – respectively ‘not to make noisy by shooting’ around Mae Sam Leap, which is the opposite town of parts of Brigade 5. The reason for this is that there are a number of tourists every year enjoying Salween River when rainy season is over, generating lots of income for Thailand.
He also hinted that there are KNLA ‘special sniper groups’ who are in active and effectively killing ‘enemies’ in Brigade 5 area, repeating “it’s not easy for them”.
Inside the Ei Tu Hta camp itself, intelligence network is on alert. From the camp chief to the 40 years old woman teacher hold walkie-talkie to receive information from their jungle agents about movement of either government forces or DKBA forces. KNLA cadres, often along with cadres of ABSDF which is an armed struggle group as a product of the 1988 uprising, are patrolling the area confronting their enemy forces who are just 2 hours away on foot from the IDPs camp. U Maung Oo (50), the secretary of ABSDF in Wei Gyi headquarter, which is also located in Brigade 5 area, seemed more cautious to talk about the possible attack, simply saying “We try to do our best to guard the area”
In Papun district where Brigade 5 belongs to, there is the ‘frontline’ of ABSDF. If the rumored offensive would come true and be spilled over the district, the poor-armed ABSDF may have to engage in the fighting. Although ABSDF has welcomed some dozens of new cadres, who enrolled the armed struggle after the monks-led ‘Shaffran revolution’ in 2007, the group is not only poor equipped with a handful of AK 47 assault rifles and M16 that were given to them by KNLA long ago. It is also, in fact, has been suffering from ‘hungry’ situation without significant external support. The armed struggle has been marginalized partly due to the fact that the NGOs in ‘non-violence’ principle have been flourishing in Burma’s exiled movements particularly in the post-September 11 period.
Given the fact that Brigade 5 is one of the crucial gateways for the border crossing from Burma via jungle to northern Thailand, however, the worst scenario of fall of Brigade 5 would have fatal impact on those Burma’s exiled movements in Northern Thailand as a whole. The Junta or its proxy forces would be far easier to infiltrate to where those Burmese movements are tout. The Junta seems to have this imaginable dream before its ambitious 2010 election,
“The Junta has an ambition to eliminate all the obstacles to consolidate its power before the 2010 election. The strengthened assaults around border areas including Chinese border in recent months and years are sign of the wish”
Than Khe (45) the chairperson of ABSDF who is currently based in Maesot (Thailand) analyzed.
The deadline, which is imposed on dozens of ethnic cease-fires groups by the Junta, to transform the all of armed groups into Border Guard Forces (or BGF) is also understood in this regard. It has much to do with the new constitution and the upcoming 2010 election alike, as the Junta’s wish of ‘unitary command’ above ‘all armed forces’ in the country is based on the article 338 in Chapter 7 of the new constitution, which was authorized by the so-called referendum while the country was hit by Cyclone Nargis May 2008.
To eliminate obstacles before 2010 election
“Once we would get information that Burmese Army of DKBA forces’ movement, we are ready to flee by two boats, which can afford 50 and 100 respectively”
Children in a ‘Nursing school’, which is kind of kinder garden, of Ei Tu Hta IDPs camp. There are a couple of schools for age-varied children as the camp committee has emphasized on children’s education. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
Saw Ya Tu (54), the chief of Ei Tu Hta camp explained about escaping plan. It will be a huge ‘operation’ as there are nearly 5,000 IDPs in both camp sites. Nevertheless, the chief has a prior concern than escaping matter. That is shortage of food for IDPs in the camp and further in Eastern Burma, where 450,000 IDPs are estimated with more than 100,000 IDPs in Karen state alone. Ei Tu Hta camp is provided with rice and salt from the Thai Burma Border Consorsium (or TBBC), which also provides refugees in Thai side with rice and salt. And some Christian NGOs has supported schools in Ei Tu Hta camp.
However, what those IDPs inside Burma have received by whosoever or none is ever far less than what those refugees in Thai side have been supported, despite the fact that the number of refugees in Thai side is estimated 1/3 of the number of IDPs inside Burma. The recently released report by Karen Human Rights Group titled “Starving Them Out” has vividly elaborated this miserable situation of IDPs inside Burma. The report has said that with increasing military activity in the government controlled areas villagers in certain areas in Papun District are in great danger of starving, adding that they do not expect to survive for more than a few months on this years’ rice crop.
Around the end of October, the predicted offensive by the joint Burma Army and DKBA has not yet taken place, while a report about cease-fire talks between DKBA and KNU October 19th has come out. But the talks were failed, having marked more uncertainty for those ever hiding and starving population in a jungle.
[세계]버마 정부군 ‘강제 징집→탈영’ 악순환
ㆍ마구잡이 신병 모집에 어린 훈련병 넘겨주고 돈 거래도
2009 11/24 위클리경향 851호
- 탈영병 및 카렌 반군들이 반군 지역의 모처에 모여 있다. 탈출한 포터와 탈영병들은 일정기간 반군의 ‘보호’ 아래 지내다가 국경을 넘어 불법 이주노동자로 일하거나 반군에 가담해 정부군에 맞서 싸우게 된다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
버마에서는 지금 무슨 일이 일어나고 있을까. 군사독재정권은 버마 민중이 겪고 있는 인권유린과 민주주의 탄압의 실상과 관련한 ‘정보’조차 대외적으로 차단하고 있다. 아시아 분쟁지역 전문기자인 이유경씨가 태국과 인접한 버마 국경의 내전 지역에서 생생한 현지 소식을 보내 왔다. 태국 북부 매홍손 지방의 매삼렙은 살윈강이 가른 이웃 나라 버마와 마주보는 자그마한 국경 마을이다. 강 건너편은 버마 동부 카렌 주, 약 60년 동안 내전 중인 이 땅은 카렌 반군인 카렌민족연합(KNU)이 장악하고 있다. <편집자 주>
매삼렙에서 만난 탄 나잉(37)의 발은 많이 갈라져 있었다. 2009년 8월 빠하이 마을 정부군 캠프를 탈출하기 전까지 그는 ‘맨발의 포터’였다. 버마 정부군은 교통편이 없는 내전 밀림 지역에서 전투 물자를 실어 나르는 ‘포터’로 민간인을 강제 동원해 왔다. 탄 나잉은 벌레가 떠다니는 허름한 식사에 56kg나 되는 짐을 지고 길도 없는 밀림을 신발 없이 9개월 동안 헤집고 다녔다.
2008년 12월 서부 아라칸 주의 부디따웅 감옥에서 복역 중에 끌려나와 또 다른 복역수 15명과 함께 카렌 주로 배치받았다. 내전이 가장 격렬한 카렌 주에서 전투 한복판에까지 군 물자를 실어 날라야 하는 그야말로 포터의 시한부 인생이 시작된 셈이다.
국경 밀림지대 잇단 탈출 행렬
그에게는 강렬한 기억이 하나 있다. 2009년 5월 3일 오후 3시경 빠하이 캠프 경보병 216사단에서 벌어진 총살 사건이다. 기력이 쇠해 포터 노릇을 제대로 하지 못하던 북부 마구에 감옥 출신의 아웅 나잉(당시 36세)이 총살당했다. 떼인 텡 병장이라는 사람의 소행이다. 시신은 캠프 근처에 대충 묻혔다. 탄 나잉과 함께 불려온 15명 가운데 한 명이 그렇게 죽고, 열 명은 이미 도망쳤다.
8월 중순에 지뢰를 밟고 부상한 병장을 업고 군 캠프로 이동하던 날 말라리아에 걸려 골골한 탄 나잉을 병사들은 밀림에 홀로 버려 두고 떠났다. 그날 밤 밀림에서 시름 시름 앓다가 밤 2시쯤부터 네 발로 기어 군 캠프에 간신히 닿은 그는 우선 먹을 것을 입에 대고 기운을 차렸다. 그러고는 사흘 뒤 탈출을 감행했다. 반군 지역으로 넘어온 그의 거친 발에는 이제 ‘쫄조리’가 신겨져 있었다.
- 버마 국경 이투타 피란민(IDPs)캠프에서 지내는 소 갈러(53)는 포터로 일하다 도망친 경험이 있다. 버마 군부는 내전 지역 소수민족 마을 주민들은 물론 감옥 복역수들을 포터로 데려와 이용해 왔다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
피란민만이 아니다. 버마 국경 밀림에서 어떻게든 살아남으려는 탈출 행렬은 탄 나잉과 같은 포터와 탈영병 등 다양하다. 주로 반군과 정부군이 경계한 마을에서 ‘선’을 많이 넘는다. KNU에 따르면 지난 8월 카렌 주에서만 30여 명의 정부군 사병이 탈영했다. 비슷한 기간에 샨 주 북부에서는 경보병 324사단 소속 정부군 70명이 카친 반군 쪽으로 넘어왔다고 버마 캠페인 단체인 알트세안(Altsean) 은 전하고 있다. 이런 끝없는 탈출 행렬은 다시 약 50만 대군에 채워 넣기 위한 강제 징집으로 이어지고 있다. 감옥 복역수와 어린이들이 그 주요 대상이다.
포터나 정부군의 탈출이 잇따르는 건 두말할 나위도 없이 강제 징집과 턱없이 열악한 처우 때문이다. 임금도 신발도 없는 포터는 차지하더라도 그나마 공식적으로는 ‘유료 노동’인 군의 경우를 보자. 신병으로 입대하면 1만5000차트(약 1만5000원), 6개월 후 2만1000차트가 그들의 공식 월급이다. 그러나 밀림에서 만난 탈영병 누구도 그런 돈을 쥐어본 적이 없었다.
“그놈들은 군인이 아니라 절도범이고 강간범이다!”
그 자신이 절도범 출신인 또 다른 탈영병 테인 윈(37)은 분노했다. 그가 ‘강간’을 입에 담은 건 작전이나 순찰을 나갔다가 소수민족 여성들을 강간하고 돌아와서는 자랑스러운 듯 떠벌리던 동료들을 기억하기 때문이다.
“2007년에 승려들의 시위가 한바탕 나라를 뒤덮은 후였다. 당시 카친 주에서 금광석 캐는 일을 하고 있었는데 ‘신병 모집책’ 5명이 ‘이리 오라’고 해서 갔다. 그들은 ‘군대 갈래 감옥 갈래’라고 협박하며 나를 ‘군은 당신을 원한다’ 간판이 걸린 건물로 데려갔다. 사실 매년 그맘 때면 그들이 왔다. ‘이리 오라’고 하면 무슨 뜻인지 다 안다. 승려 시위 이후에는 노비스(20세 미만 어린 예비 승려)들도 그렇게 끌려갔다고 들었다.”
몰윈(20)은 중북부 몽유아 지방 ‘아야로 신병 훈련소’로 보내져 4개월간의 군사 훈련을 받았다. 거기서 그는 군번 ‘4017XX’를 단 12살 신병 아웅지를 만났다. 식당에서 일하던 아웅지는 컵을 깬 것이 화근이 되어 주인에게 구타당하고 도망치다가 신병 모집책에게 걸려들었다. 그 역시 한 달 동안 ‘군은 당신을 원한다’ 캠프에 갇혀 있다가 훈련소로 보내졌다고 했다. 이 과정에서 식당 주인과 모집책 사이에 돈이 오고갔다. 2007년에 휴먼라이츠워치는 보고서 ‘팔려간 병사들’에서 2005년 현재 이 거래 금액이 2만5000차트에서 5만차트로 상승했다고 밝혔다. 필자가 인터뷰한 최근 1, 2년 사이에 탈영병들이 공통적으로 내뱉는 금액은 훌쩍 오른 10만 차트였다.
인권단체, 어린이병사 30%로 추정
아웅지와 몰윈이 함께 훈련받던 2008년 중반에 이야로 신병 훈련소에는 1000명 가운데 약 300명이 15세 미만으로 추정되는 어린이들이었다. 인권단체들이 추정하는 버마정부군의 어린이 병사 비율인 약 30%와 거의 일치했다. 몰윈과 함께 탈영한 렌웬이 훈련받은 네피도(수도) 근처의 예니타운 ‘신병 훈련소 3’에서도 어린이가 넘쳐났다. 이 훈련소에선 11명이 탈출했다가 1명은 붙잡혀 왔고 10명은 탈영했다.
“그 건물에 한 번 들어가면 빠져나오기 힘들다.”
올해 3월 랑군의 한 검문소에서 자신의 신분증이 가짜라고 우기는 군인 손에 끌려 갔다 4개월 만에 극적으로 탈출한 렌웬의 뼈저린 말이다. 실제로 양곤 시내 버스나 기차역, 군 캠프 주변에는 ‘군은 당신을 원한다’라는 간판이 널려 있다. 바로 ‘신병 모집소’다.
“병사들은 지금 2010년 선거를 기다리고 있다. 선거 이후 좀 처우가 나아지지 않을까 기대한다. 나아지지 않으면 장담컨대 대탈출 사태가 일어날 거다. 군대에 있을 때 그런 얘기를 많이 나눴다.”
탈영병 테인 윈의 말이다. 과연 내년에 대탈출 사태는 일어날 수 있을까. 알 수 없다. 지난 수십 년 동안 분열 정책으로 파고들며 반군 영토와 통치력을 조금씩 떼어 갔던 버마 군부의 들이미는 기세는 여전히 만만찮다. 조금씩 좁아지는 그 땅에는 세력이 약화되는 반군과 정부군의 군사작전에 벼랑 끝까지 내몰리는 수십만 피란민들, 그리고 정부군 캠프를 이탈한 각종 탈주자들이 오늘내일하는 군사 작전 소문에 불안한 나날을 보내고 있다.
카렌 주(버마 국경)·이유경<아시아 분쟁지역 전문기자>
Published by <Weekly KyungHyang> at
http://newsmaker.khan.co.kr/khnm.html?mode=view&code=117&artid=200911181647171
“버마에 돌아가 다시 혁명에 나설 것”
타이 국경지대로 망명한 ‘샤프란 혁명’의 주역들…
국내 승려들과 문자메시지 주고받으며 새로운 ‘기회’ 기다리는 중
[2009.10.23 제782호]
“총소리가 나자 사람들이 흩어지기 시작했다. 나도 있는 힘껏 달려 어느 집 안으로 숨어들었다. 그런데 군인들이 ‘밖으로 나오라’고 소리를 질러대는 바람에….”
지난 2007년 11월5일, 버마 중북부의 작은 마을 포코쿠에서 만났던 승려 우산디마(28)는 서글서글한 인상이었다. 군인들의 고함 소리에 겁을 먹고 제 발로 걸어나왔다는 그는 보안군에 끌려가 소총 개머리판으로 뭇매를 맞았다는 얘기를 하면서도 이따금 웃음을 머금었다. 그는 승복까지 벗기는 모욕을 당한 뒤에야 풀려났다. 웃옷도 없이 롱지(버마인들이 남녀노소 구분 없이 입는 치마)만 걸친 채였다.
‘혁명 2주년, 그날을 기억하라.’ 지난 9월21일 버마와 국경이 맞닿아 있는 타이 북부 매솟에서 버마 난민들과 지원단체 활동가 등 200여 명이 버마 민주화를 촉구하며 평화행진을 하고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-yung)
사건은 꼭 두 달 전인 그해 9월5일 벌어졌다. 정부의 연료보조금 제도 폐지 등에 항의하려고 거리로 나선 평화시위대를 보안군은 무참히 짓밟았다. 전통적으로 버마에서 존경과 예우의 대상이던 승려도 이날만큼은 예외가 아니었다. 우산디마를 포함한 3명의 승려가 붙들려가 폭행과 조롱을 당한 이날의 사건은 흔히 ‘포코쿠 승려 폭행사건’으로 불린다. 이 사건으로 버마 승려들이 대거 반정부 시위에 뛰어들었다. ‘샤프란 혁명’의 기폭제였다.
군사정부, 시위 주도 승려에 63년형 선고
“사실 포코쿠 시위 전부터 전국 사원을 돌며 ‘메타수타’(우애) 운동을 조직했다. < BBC > 라디오를 통해 우리의 계획과 활동을 알리기도 했고, 군사정권이 끝장나기를 바라는 마음을 담은 ‘스톱 사인’(손바닥이 그려진 동그라미 안에 가위표를 한 표지)도 확산시키고 있었다.”
당시 승려 시위의 핵심 조직가였던 킹제로(32·본명 우이에따리야)는 상황을 이렇게 설명했다. ‘샤프란 혁명’ 이후 당국에 쫓겨 1년여 도피생활을 했던 그는 지난해 10월 초 국경을 넘어 타이 북부 매솟에서 망명생활을 하고 있다. 킹제로뿐 아니다. 4개로 나눠져 있던 기존 승려단체를 통합한 ‘전버마승려연합’(ABMA)을 조직해 ‘샤프란 혁명’의 중추 구실을 하는 데 앞장섰던 다른 승려들도 당국에 붙잡히거나, 타이·인도·미국·프랑스 등지로 망명길에 올라야 했다.
킹제로와 함께 ABMA를 이끌었던 우감비라(30)는 시위가 무자비하게 진압된 뒤 수배를 받아오다 그해 11월 초 버마 중부 만달레이에서 체포됐다. 현재 북부 시가일 지방에서 복역 중인 것으로 알려진 우감비라의 형량은 무려 63년이란다. 그의 ‘반정부 활동’을 지원했다는 혐의로 붙들린 가족 4명도 갇힌 몸이다.
“우감비라 스님은 랑군 교외의 작은 사원을 거점으로 오래전부터 승려 시위를 준비해왔다. 2006년부터는 아예 랑군 일대 사원을 지역에 따라 26개로 나눠, 유사시 사원별로 행동에 나설 순서까지 따로 정해놓고 있었다. 내가 속한 사원은 8번째였다.”
승려들, 군사정부에 사과 요구 성명 내기도
우감비라를 도와 승려 조직화에 참여했던 우피냐사닛(24)은 “이 때문에 이미 2005년부터 기관원들이 우감비라 스님의 뒤를 캐고 다녔을 정도”라고 말했다. 여러 차례 체포 위협을 용케 피해가며 버마 내부에서 머물러온 우피냐사닛은 올 2월 초 타이 국경을 넘어 현재 북부 노포 난민캠프에서 머물고 있다. 매솟 등지에서 만난 버마 출신 승려들의 말을 종합하면, 우감비라 외에도 비구니 50여 명을 포함해 290명가량의 승려가 당시 시위와 관련해 버마 각지에서 복역 중이다.
‘샤프란 혁명’은 무장투쟁 노선을 고집하고 있는, 타이 국경지대를 기반으로 한 버마 ‘반군조직’에도 적잖은 변화를 가져왔다. ‘혁명’ 막바지였던 2007년 9월28일 랑군 시내에서 시위를 벌이다 보안군의 폭력 진압으로 친구 12명을 잃었다는 영어교사 출신 윈초뚜(31)는 지난해 7월 중순부터 ‘버마학생민주전선’(ABSDF) 소속 게릴라로 변신해 국경을 넘나들고 있다.
언제든 돌아간다. 그날은 온다.’ ‘샤프란 혁명’의 주역 가운데 한 명인 승려 킹제로가 매솟에 자리한 ‘승려도서관’에서 버마 관련 자료를 살펴보고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
“군부의 손에 12명이나 되는 친구들이 목숨을 잃었다. 이젠 진짜 혁명을 해야지….” 지난 9월 말 웨지 난민캠프에서 만난 윈초뚜는 여전히 의욕이 넘쳐 보였다. 그가 입고 있는 노란색 셔츠가 도드라져 보였다. 정글에선 어울리지 않는 차림, 아직 도시 티를 다 벗어내지 못한 듯싶었다. 하긴 정글의 ‘배고픈 현실’에 적응하기도 쉽지 않았을 게다. 그는 “우리(게릴라)는 가난에 허덕이는 주민(난민)들이 제공하는 음식과 기부금으로 살아가는데, 주민들의 삶이 나날이 피폐해지고 있다”며 “막중한 책임감을 느낀다”고 무겁게 말했다. 그 ‘책임감’이 망명지에서나마 어떻게든 짓밟힌 혁명의 불씨를 살려보려는 수많은 이들의 마음을 다잡고 있었다.
“지금도 또렷이 기억한다. ‘어떻게 스님들에게 총질을 할 수 있느냐’고 혼자서 용감하게 보안군에게 따져묻다가 총을 맞고 쓰러진 소녀의 모습이 2년이 지난 지금껏 눈앞에 아른거린다.” 역시 1년 넘게 숨어 지내다 올 초 매솟으로 왔다는 승려 우난다사리아(25)도 그중 한 명이다. 2007년 9월18일 포코쿠 사건에 대한 군부의 사과를 요구하는 랑군 시위 대열에서 깃발을 들고 앞장섰던 그는 현재 매솟 인근 노포 난민캠프에서 생활하고 있다.
타이 국경지대에서 은밀히 활동하는 승려들은 지난 9월 다시 한번 군부 정권에 ‘도전장’을 내밀었다. ABMA와 국제버마승려기구(IBMO) 명의로 된 성명을 내어 “10월3일까지 2년 전 만행에 대해 사과하고, 수감된 승려 전원을 석방하라”고 촉구하고 나선 게다. 이에 따라 승려들의 집단행동을 우려한 버마 군부는 9월 말부터 랑군 도심의 경계경비 태세를 한층 강화하기도 했다. 그리고 10월3일 저녁, 매솟의 승려들에게 휴대전화 문자메시지가 날아들었다.
“슈웨다곤 사원(랑군 시내 중심가에 있는 버마 불교의 상징)에서 승려 50명 모여 시국기도회 개최!”
버마 내부에서 전해온 소식을 다시 망명 승려들이 퍼나른 게다. 매솟 등지로 망명한 승려들은 그동안 버마 내부에서 은밀하게 움직이는 승려들과 부지런히 ‘소통’해왔다. 이 때문에 매솟과 국경을 맞대고 있는 버마 땅 미아와디에 매솟에서 이뤄지는 전화 통화까지 도청할 수 있는 고성능 안테나가 설치됐다는 소문까지 나돌았다.
“랑군뿐 아님. 만달레이 포함 다른 주요 도시에서도 10명, 20명씩 모여 시국기도회 열었음.”
난민캠프 한 귀퉁이에서 소식을 접한 승려들은 간만에 얼굴에 화색이 돌기 시작했다. 매솟에서 생활하는 망명 승려들의 쉼터 격인 ‘승려도서관’에서 만난 킹제로도 웃고 있었다. 그는 “물론 턱없이 작은 규모”라며 “하지만 철통같은 경계 속에 있는 버마의 상황을 생각하면 스님들의 집단 기도회 소식이 반가울 수밖에 없다”고 말했다.
현실은 남루하지만 ‘믿음’ 버리지 않는 승려들
누구도 돌아보지 않는 혁명 2주년, 이상은 여전히 멀고 현실은 남루하기만 하다. 그럼에도 망명 승려들의 ‘믿음’은 전혀 흔들림이 없어 보였다. 킹제로는 “버마 내부에서 민주화에 대한 열망이 사그라지고 있다는 평가에 절대 동의할 수 없다. 2년 전 ‘우리의 혁명’ 이후 더 많은 스님들과 국민들이 깨달음을 얻었다”고 강조했다. 그는 이렇게 덧붙였다. “망명 신청? 난 그런 거 하지 않는다. 언제 버마로 돌아가 혁명에 참여해야 될지도 모르는 상황인데….”
매솟(타이 북부)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
Published by <Hankyoreh 21>
at http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/25962.html
정글 속 헤매다 벼랑 끝 몰린 버마 난민들
군사정부 토벌작전에 불안과 배고픔으로 뒤숭숭한 난민촌 르포…
내부 저항동력 유출로 ‘저항의 공동화’ 현상도
[2009.10.16 제781호]
2007년 여름을 뜨겁게 달군 버마의 민주화운동. 승려들이 대열의 맨 앞에 섰다고 해서 승려복의 색깔을 따 ‘샤프란 혁명’으로 불렸다. 그 여름의 잇단 시위를 호들갑스레 ‘혁명’의 반열에 올려놓은 건 ‘국제사회’로 불리는 외부인들이다. 미완의 혁명이 군홧발에 무자비하게 짓밟힌 지 2년이 지났다. 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자가 지난 9월 말 타이-버마 국경지대를 찾아, 국제사회가 더는 관심을 갖지 않는 그 혁명의 오늘을 살폈다. 두 차례 나눠 싣는다. 편집자
» ‘혁명 2주년, 아무도 기억하지 않는다.’ 버마군이 대대적인 공격을 준비 중이라는 소문이 흉흉하던 지난 9월 말 타이와 국경을 맞댄 버마의 카렌족 난민촌 ‘이투타 캠프’ 마당에서 아이들이 공놀이를 하고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
“거긴 마을이 없다니까! 우린 은신처에서 왔어.”
어느 마을에서 피난을 왔느냐는 질문에 귀가 어두운 노인 텔리(75)의 언성이 높아졌다. 울고 보채는 손자 6명을 포함해 열 식구가 일주일 동안 밀림을 헤쳐나왔단다. 노인은 마지막으로 ‘마을’에서 살아본 게 언제인지 기억해내지 못했다. 1975년 이래 ‘은신처 찾기’ 인생을 살고 있다는 그는 현재 머무는 이투타 피난민 캠프에서 보낸 3년이 그나마 오랜만에 얻은 ‘안정적인 삶’이라고 말했다. 항간의 소문대로 캠프가 공격받는다 한들 그냥 이곳에 남겠다면서.
“힘들어…, 너무 늙어서 더는 움직일 수가 없어.”
군부, 정글로 수도 이전 뒤 군사작전 강화
기억도 가물한 몇십 년 전, 잠시 집을 비운 사이 들이닥친 버마군의 손에 아버지와 남동생을 잃고 가까스로 목숨을 건졌던 청년 텔리. 중년의 나이엔 버마군의 포터(정글 속 전투에 나선 군이 무기와 물자를 수송하려고 강제로 동원한 민간인)로 끌려가 죽도록 배고프게 일하다가 도망쳐 살아남았다. 평생을 도망치다 이제 기력이 쇠한 노인이 된 그에겐 더 이상 피신할 힘도, 의지도 남아 있지 않은 것 같았다.
타이 북부의 작은 마을 매삼렙에서 배로 약 2시간이다. 살윈강을 사이에 두고 3곳의 타이군 초소와 눈에 잘 들어오지 않는 버마군 초소 1곳을 지나고 나면, 버마의 카렌족 반군 조직 ‘카렌민족연합’(KNU)이 ‘제5여단’으로 지정한 구역 한켠에 이투타 피난민 캠프가 자리를 잡고 있다. 캠프 내 4천여 명의 피난민은 모두 2005년 말 건기(11월께)부터 이듬해 봄 우기가 시작될 무렵까지 이어진 버마군의 대대적 군사작전을 피해온 이들이다.
“이전과 달랐어. 그전에는 다른 데로 도망쳤다가 작전이 끝나면 고향으로 되돌아가기도 했는데, 2006년 작전은 카렌주 전역에서 벌어져서 피신할 곳이 있어야지. 그래서 여기(국경 근처)까지 오게 된 거야.”
카렌주 탕우 지구 콜루 마을에서 열이틀 걸려 피난왔다는 소우 마슈(53)의 말이다. 2005~2006년의 군사작전은 버마 군부가 수도를 랑군에서 네피도로 옮긴 시점과 맞물려 진행됐다. 2005년 11월 군부가 불현듯 정글 지역으로 수도를 옮기는 바람에 ‘정글 수도’라 불리는 네피도는 카렌·샨·카레니 등 소수민족 주와 묘하게 인접해 있다. 새 수도에 대한 반군들의 영향력을 차단하고 소수민족을 괴리시키기 위해 벌인 군사작전은 예상대로 강제이주 작전을 동반했다. 마을에 불 지르기 같은 악랄한 방법이 으레 동원됐다.
이투타 캠프에서 북쪽으로 30분정도 배를 타고 올라간 뒤 돌밭과 냇물을 가로질러 당도한 우에끌로 지역. 이곳에서도 이투타 캠프의 ’6지구’로 불
리는 캠프가 하나 더 있다. 480명의 피난민이 거주하는 이곳은 2006년 작전에도 고향 땅에서 버틸만큼 버티타 뒤늦게 피난온 난민들이 2007년 7월 만들었다. 난민들은 풍성한 정글뿐이던 두 캠프 지역을 모두 사람 사는 ‘마을’로 바꿔 놓았다. 하지만 비옥한 땅 덕분에 자리만 잡으면 채소, 바나나, 옥수수 재배가 손쉬웠던 이투타 캠프와 달리 우에끌로 지역은 사정이 좋지 않았다. 돌밭투성이라 농사가 쉽지 않았기 때문이다.
“우리 일행도 처음엔 여기 도착했어. 등붙일 곳도 업이 열린 하늘을 보고 일주일간 지내다 이투타로 이동했지.” 병든 남편을 등지게에 지고 12일간의 ‘정글 트레킹’을 견뎌내야 했던 낸시(60)가 온화한 미소를 지으며 말했다.
하지만 비옥한 이투타 캠프에도, 돌이 밭을 이룬 우에끌로에도 최근 또다시 ‘군사작전’의 망령이 되살아나고 있다. 지난 6월 버마군과 ‘민주카렌불교도군’(DKBA·1995년 카렌민족연합 주류에 반란을 일으키며 분파한 친군부 카렌 무장조직)으로 구성된 ‘연합군’이 카렌주 남부 ‘제7여단’을 겨냥한 대대적인 공격을 감행했고, 카렌 반군과 3주간에 걸친 치열한 교전 끝에 이 지역을 점령해버렸다.
교전의 여파로 이 지역에 있던 러퍼허 피난민 캠프의 4천여 난민들은 타이 쪽 ‘타송양’으로 대거 피신했다. 카렌주 주도인 파안시와 파안 지구로 뻗어 있던 7여단이 정부군 손에 함락된 것은 카렌 진영에서 보면 1996년 매너플로 함락 이래 최대 손실이다. 무엇보다 ‘연합군’이라고는 하지만, 친정부 무장조직 카렌불교도군을 최전선에 내세운 버마군의 작전은 ‘카렌 대 카렌’이 싸우는 동족상잔의 비극을 다시 한번 연출하고 말았다. 이 동족상잔의 비극에서 패배한 카렌 해방군 잔존 세력은 빼앗긴 땅에서 매복·게릴라전에 집중하고 있다.
7여단 함락 직후부터 “우기가 잦아드는 9월 말이나 10월 초가 되면 ‘연합군’이 5여단을 칠 것”이라는 소문이 떠돌았다. 통상 건기에 치르던 관습을 깨고 우기 한복판인 6월에 감행한 군사작전을 승리로 이끈 자신감에서다. 최근 휴전 지역인 버마-중국 국경 쪽 코캉 지역에서도 버마군의 군사작전이 있었던 터다. 게다가 버마 군부는 최근 휴전한 소수민족 무장그룹들을 향해 시한까지 못박으며 ‘국경수비대’로 전환할 것을 명했다. 이는 군부가 지난해 5월, 사이클론 ‘나르기스’가 몰고 온 대재난으로 약 13만 명이 목숨을 잃은 시점에서 강행 통과시킨 신헌법 제7장 338조 “버마 연방 내 모든 무장세력은 버마군의 지휘 아래 들어간다”는 규정에 따른 것이다.
하지만 10월 초까지 민주카렌불교도군 등 3개 무장그룹만이 국경수비대로 전환하는 것에 동의한 상태다. 대부분의 무장조직은 완강히 버마군 편입을 거부하고 있다. 긴장감이 높아질 수밖에 없다. 오랫동안 잠잠하던 휴전 지역에서 버마군과 소수민족 그룹들이 각각 대열을 정비하고 있다는 소문이 빠르게 퍼지는 것도 이 때문이다.
정부군 9~10월 추가 공격설에 긴장
“5여단과 7여단은 다르다. 그쪽(7여단)에는 워낙에 민주카렌불교도군 세력이 좀 있었고…. 여기(5여단)와 3여단은 우리가 철통같이 지키고 있다. 쉽지 않을 거다.” 5여단 제1대대 초무(59) 대령은 자신만만했다. 이름을 밝히지 말아달라는 카렌민족연합의 한 간부 역시 타이군과 버마, 타이군과 카렌반군이 각각 1980년대 말 맺었다는 ‘동의안’을 한 배경으로 5연대 공격설을 일축했다. 그가 말하는 ‘동의안’의 내용은 이렇다. 카렌주 5여단과 마주 보는 타이 쪽 매삼렙은 건기가 본격화되는 11월부터 살윈강을 보려고 몰려드는 여행객으로 붐비는 지역이고, 타이 쪽에 큰 관광 수입을 올려준다는 것. 하여 타이군은 ‘이 지역에서 제발 총소리가 들리지 말게 하라’는 요구를 버마 정부군과 카렌 반군 모두에게 던져놓았단다.
버마 카렌주 북부 카렌주 제5여단 관할 지역에 속하는 웨지에서 버마학생민주전선(ABSDF) 대원들이 모여앉아 텔레비전을 보고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
전혀 다른 분석도 있다. 땅께 ‘버마학생민주전선’(ABSDF) 의장은 “군부는 내년 총선을 앞두고 장애물이 될 만한 모든 요소를 제거하는 데 주력하고 있다”며 “최근 아웅산 수치 여사의 감금 기간을 연장한 것이나, 국경지대에서 군사작전을 강화하는 것도 모두 이런 ‘방해물 제거 작전’의 일환”이라고 말했다. 5여단에 속하는 카렌주 북부 파푼 지구는 버마학생민주전선의 ‘최전선’이다. 5여단이 공격받고 전선이 넓어지면 인적으로나 무기 면에서 취약한 민주전선도 전투에 휩싸일 수 있다. 5여단 관할 지역인 웨지에 둥지를 틀고 있는 우마웅우(50) 민주전선 웨지 지역 서기가 “연합군의 공격 가능성을 배제할 수 없다”며 “최선을 다해 지키고 있다”고 조심스런 반응을 보인 것도 이 때문이다.
그래서다. 겉으로는 평온해 보이는 이투타 캠프 난민들 사이에서도 “공격이 현실화하기 전에 미리 떠나야 하는 것 아니냐”는 말이 오가고 있다. 한 가정이라도 떠나면 자칫 캠프 전체가 패닉 상태에 빠지면서 이주 도미노 현상이 벌어질 수도 있는 상황이다. 이에 따라 캠프 자치위원회 간부들은 예외 없이 무전기를 손에 든 채 주민들을 다독거리느라 동분서주하고 있다. 이투타 캠프에서 도보로 약 2시간 걸리는 곳- 험준한 정글 상황을 고려하면 아주 가까운 거리다- 에 자리잡고 있다는 서너 곳의 버마군 캠프를 감시하는 카렌 반군의 보고 내용과 카렌 쪽 ‘정글 정보부’가 전하는 상황보고가 시시각각 무전기를 타고 전해지고 있다. 일부 지역에서는 카렌 반군과 버마학생민주전선이 24시간 공통 순찰도 벌이고 있다.
“버마군의 움직임이 포착되면 바로 대응할 준비가 돼 있다. 각각 50명, 100명을 태울 수 있는 보트도 2대 준비해뒀다.” 캠프 대표인 소 야뚜(54)의 설명이다. 2대의 보트로 4천여 난민을 안전지대까지 대피시키려면 최소한 30차례는 왕복을 해야 한다. 교전이 벌어지는 긴박한 상황에선 분명 쉽지 않은 일이다.
그럼에도 소 야뚜 대표의 걱정거리는 따로 있었다. 만성적인 식량부족 사태다. 이투타 캠프 난민들은 타이 쪽 난민캠프와 마찬가지로 12개 구호단체로 이뤄진 ‘타이-버마 국경 컨소시엄’(TBBC)이 제공하는 쌀과 소금을 지원받고 있다. 캠프 내 학교는 외국계 기독교단체 등이 지원하고 있다. 물론 타이 국경 쪽 난민캠프 지원에 비하면 턱없이 열악한 게 사실이다.
만성적인 식량 부족에 이중고 겪어
따지고 보면, 국제사회의 지원이 몰리는 타이 영토로 난민이 쏠리는 현상이 벌어진 건 이미 오래다. 그새 소수민족들의 해방 투쟁도, 민주세력들의 반독재 투쟁도, 국경을 사이에 두고 극명한 대조를 이루게 됐다. 버마 내부에선 저항의 불씨가 갈수록 사그라진 반면 국제사회의 캠페인이 집중된 타이 쪽 국경지대에선 시끌벅적하게 이어졌다. 버마 내부의 저항운동 동력이 국경 너머 타이 쪽으로 새나가는 ‘저항의 공동화’ 현상이 빚어진 게다.
‘9~10월 공격설’로 뒤숭숭한 난민캠프에 어김없이 밤이 찾아들었다. 밀림의 밤하늘을 촛불로 밝힌 채 난민캠프 청년들이 하나둘 모여앉아 기타 반주에 맞춰 노래를 부르기 시작한다. 일단 한 달은 무사히 넘겼다. 남은 한 달도 무사히 넘어갈 수 있을까? 화톳불을 둘러싼 것은 불안의 심연이다.
이투타·우에끌로 난민캠프(버마)·매솟(타이)=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
published by <Hankyoreh 21>
at http://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/world/world_general/25910.html
Amnesty International letter to Obama
Amnesty International USA has written a open letter to the President Obama to raise several issues regarding human rights violation in India’s neighboring coutires as well India. The full text is following as below :
- Penseur21 -
November 18, 2009
The Honorable Barack Obama,
President of the United States
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20500
Dear Mr. President:
On behalf of Amnesty International USA, I urge you to candidly address human rights concerns in India during your upcoming meeting with the Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh and to press him to make substantive improvements. Prime Minister Singh will be the first leader to receive a state visit at the White House after you became the President. While you are honoring him with this state visit, Amnesty International urges you not to forget the plight of women, men and children who are facing numerous human rights abuses in India and to make public statements emphasizing that human rights are central to US-India relations.
Your meeting with Prime Minister Singh in the White House represents an opportunity for you to directly communicate your concerns about human rights in India. While you discuss economic cooperation and civilian nuclear partnership with the Indian Prime Minister, it is vital that you also raise human rights concerns affecting millions of Indian citizens. Amnesty International strongly urges you to include human rights concerns in India in your joint communiqué with the Indian Prime minister Manmohan Singh and to address human rights concerns during your joint press conference with Prime Minister Singh.
Even though India is the world’s largest democracy, serious and disturbing human rights abuses are ongoing, including rape, extrajudicial executions, deaths in police and military custody, torture, cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment, arbitrary arrests, and dowry deaths. The Government of India not only fails to prevent these abuses, but also shelters members of security forces from facing justice. People living in several of the northeastern states of India and in Kashmir, religious minorities, those belonging to the lowest social order called “Dalits”, and indigenous communities called “adivasis” face the brunt of these abuses. Other socially and economically marginalized groups including women face discrimination at the hands of the police and criminal justice system. Although laws were passed to address some of these human rights abuses, serious concerns remain about the implementation of such laws.
Some of the specific contexts in which mass abuses were or continue to be committed include:
Mass killings of Sikhs: Over three thousand Sikhs were massacred when the governing Congress Party incited mob violence targeting Sikh civilians in reaction to the 1984 assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her Sikh bodyguards. Scores of women were gang raped and some were burnt alive. After two decades, a judicial commission concluded that members of the governing Congress Party were involved. Twenty five years have passed since the massacre, but only a few have been brought to justice for this mass killing.
Mass killings of Muslims: In 2002, over 2,000 Muslims were massacred in Gujarat as a reaction to a train fire that killed 59 Hindus. This train fire was blamed on Muslims. Hindu mobs allegedly incited by state Bharatiya Janata Party members went on a killing spree targeting Muslims. Several hundred Muslim women and girls were gang raped and some were burnt alive. Pregnant women and children were also targeted. After nine years, very few individuals have been brought to justice.
Bhopal tragedy: Several thousand people have died and many more continue to die from a 1984 gas leak at Union Carbide’s pesticide plant in Bhopal in 1984. Twenty five years have passed since the leak occurred, but the plant site has not been cleaned up and toxic wastes continue to pollute the environment and ground water. Tens of thousands continue to live with debilitating illnesses. Despite numerous efforts, survivors continue to be denied adequate compensation, medical help, rehabilitation, and justice.
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958: The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958 has remained in effect in “disturbed areas,” including Kashmir and large parts of the northeastern states of India for over forty years. This act is a major contributor to mass human rights abuses in these areas of India. This law protects Indian security forces from prosecution by requiring permission to prosecute from India’s Central Government–permission which is rarely given. As a result, security forces often take the law into their own hands and commit mass human rights abuses against the civilians. This law has facilitated grave human rights abuses, including “disappearances,” rapes, extrajudicial executions, and deaths resulting from torture.
Northeastern States: One of the areas “hidden” from international attention is the region of northeast India. Numerous abuses are taking place in this area, largely facilitated by the above-mentioned Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958. Security forces kill, rape, “disappear” and commit other gross human rights abuses with virtual impunity.
Kashmir: The Indian side of Kashmir is another area where Indian Security forces commit mass human rights abuses with impunity. Once again, the abuses are facilitated by the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act of 1958 and other similar laws. The civilian population of Kashmir has paid a high price for the conflict. Thousands have disappeared over the years.
Abuses against “Dalits”: India’s caste system involves a social hierarchy in which individuals are considered to be born into a particular caste in which they remain throughout their lives. Outside these caste categories are the “untouchables”, now commonly known as “Dalits”, whose occupations — sweepers, tanners, sanitation workers, etc — are viewed as “polluting” the community. Nearly 200 million people in India belong to this category. This system has been called India’s “hidden apartheid.” Abuses against “dalits” are numerous and take many different forms, including: parading of naked Dalit women through the streets, socioeconomic discrimination, killings, arson-burning of Dalit communities, gang rape, bonded labor, denial of land rights, and many more. The police and the criminal justice system also discriminate against Dalits. Though important strides have been made, much remains to be done.
Abuses against “Adivasis”: The indigenous communities called adivasis face immense pressure from dam and mining development projects and settlements. Adivasis face socioeconomic discrimination as well as discrimination by the police and the criminal justice system.
Mr. President, Amnesty International urges you to secure a meaningful commitment from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to improve India’s human rights situation. It is essential that human rights be treated as an important issue like trade and civilian nuclear partnership.
At a minimum, we urge you to press Prime Minister Singh to take the following steps:
Chhattisgarh: Ensure protection of civilians in ongoing and proposed military actions against Maoists-Naxalites in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, West Bengal and other states. Stop harassing and arresting human rights defenders. Maoists must also end their violence against civilians.
Kashmir/Manipur: End impunity and make armed forces personnel accountable for human rights violations. In particular repeal the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in Manipur and other parts of the North Eastern States and Kashmir where imposed. Ensure that any replacement act is in line with international human rights standards.
Justice: Bring to justice those involved in the mass killings of Sikhs and Muslims.
Bhopal: Ensure establishment of the promised empowered Commission on Bhopal for the rehabilitation of Bhopal Gas victims, with adequate resources and capacity. In conjunction with the companies involved (including US based Dow Chemical), the Government of India should ensure effective measures to address the long-term impacts of the Bhopal gas leak, including proper clean-up and remediation of the factory site, medical care, regular supply of adequate safe water for the affected communities, and economic rehabilitation.
And with regard to India’s foreign policy:
Mr. President, we also urge you to discuss India’s International role and to urge India to use its close relationships with Burma and Sri Lanka to:
Burma: Urge Prime Minister Singh to engage with the Burmese authorities to end serious and systematic human rights violations and to release over 2,100 political prisoners including Aung San Suu Kyi.
Sri Lanka: Urge Prime Minister Singh to follow up on the promise made by the Sri Lanka Government to India that it would release the IDP’s within six months. Six months have passed, but still there are tens of thousands of civilians detained in military run internment camps. Secure access to an estimated 12,000 people (including children) suspected of links to the LTTE who have been detained. They have been denied access to ICRC and legal counsel.
Mr. President, we urge you not to miss this opportunity to speak for those whose rights have been violated in India. They need your help.
Sincerely,
Larry Cox
Executive Director
source : http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?id=ENGUSA20091118003&lang=e
Burma: Karen people face starvation and uncertainty
21 November 2009
“There’s no village”, 75-year-old Sam Telly said. “I’m from a hiding place.”
Telly, a member of the Karen ethnic group, mulled over the question of when he had last lived in a village, but failed to remember. He had lived in “hiding places” since 1975.
The Karen state in eastern Burma has been the scene of intense fighting as the Burmese military has sought to crush the Karen Nation Union (KNU), a pro-democracy organisation representing the Karen people, and its armed wing, the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA).
In decades of fighting, hundreds of thousands of Karen people have been displaced.
Telly described his latest “jungle trekking” to search out a new hiding place: “We were 10 family members including six of my grandchildren, who were crying all the time while fleeing. It took a week to reach here.”
“Here” is the Ei Tu Hta Internally Displaced Persons’ (IDP) camp. The camp is along the Salween River on the border with northern Thailand.
The camp is said to be surrounded by two Burmese Army camps, which are two hours away on foot.
“Even if more fighting erupted here, I can’t move anymore”, Telly said. “I’m too old.”
Telly, 75 years-old Karen man living in Ei Thu Hta IDPs camp, said he would not flee anymore even if there's another offensive by Burma Army combined with the pro Junta DKBA. Hundreds of thousands people in ethnic state in Burma have been displaced numberous times since the civil war broke out half a century ago. (Photo by : Lee Yu Kyung)
Displaced by offensive
Boats to Ei Tu Hta camp depart from Mae Sam Leap, the small, quiet town along the Salween River in northern Thailand. There are three Thai army checkpoints on Thai side and one “invisible” Burma army post on the Burmese side positioned on the route.
The area of Ei Tu Hta used to be a battalion post of the KNLA, but now it accommodates some 4000 IDPs. They were all displaced by the Burmese military’s all-out offensive in eastern Burma, which lasted from November 2005 until 2007.
Saw Mar Su, who fled Kolu village in Tangoo district to arrive in Ei Tu Hta after 12 days jungle trekking, said: “It was very different from the previous operations. We couldn’t find a shelter, as it was taking place all over my district.”
Mar Su’s village has been burned down four times by the Burmese army, who forcibly displaced people to Turmidoe village, six hours away by foot.
The Burmese military routinely burns down villages as a means to relocate people, often seeking to alienate villagers from the armed insurgents.
But, unusually, this time the army didn’t retreat from the village after burning it.
“So we couldn’t rebuild our house, no farming”, Mar Su said. “That’s why we fled to this edge”,
A further 30-minute boat trip from Ei Tu Hta to the north takes you to another camp site in Ueclo, where about 480 IDPs have been sheltering since July 2007.
Like other refugee camps, Ueclo used to be deep forest, where people established temporary shelter and tried to farm as much as they could.
However, Ueclo is not good for farming because of the rocks surrounding the area. People complain they cannot cultivate vegetables either.
Nancy, a 60-year-old English teacher in the Ei Tu Hta camp, said: “First we arrived here in 2006 to spend a week under the open sky without proper lying place. And then we moved to Ei Tu Hta.”
Nancy fled to Ei Tu Hta with her ailing husband, whom she had to carry on her back for 12 days through the jungle. “I feel rather safe in Ei Tu Hta, for the first time in decades, during which I’ve had to move numerous times”, she said.
A refugee woman, who's been suffering pneumonia, has been admitted in a 'jungle hospital' of Ei Thu Hta IDPs camp in estern Burma. Hundreds of thousands minority ethnic people in Eastern Burma have been displaced for decades, facing shortage of food and medicine. (Photo by : Lee Yu Kyung)
Yet “safe” is not a sustainable word in this jungle world. The Burma Army and the pro-Junta Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA) jointly assaulted the southern part of Karen state in June, and a military operation has been predicted for Ei Tu Hta after the rainy season.
The offensive in southern Karen state occurred in the rainy season, an unprecedented event. Yet it was a success for the Junta and DKBA, as the area fell to them after a three-week-long fierce battle with the KNLA.
As a result, about 4000 IDPs in Ler Per Her camp in southern Karen state have been displaced to the Tha Song Yang refugee camp on the Thai side of the border. Remnants of the KNLA have been ambushing the DKBA, which now controls the area.
N0 one doubts this was the greatest loss for KNU since the fall of Manerflaw in 1995, where it used to have its headquarters.
‘Heavily guarded’
However, Ei Tu Hta is different.
DKBA forces had been stationed in southern Karen state before the June operation. However, Ei Tu Hta is “heavily guarded by our forces”, 59-year-old Colonel Saw Kyaw Moo said.
“It’s not easy for them to launch an offensive here.”
A KNU leader, who didn’t want to be named, endorsed this view, based on the agreements signed by the Thai army and Burmese army as well as the KNU.
As part of these agreements, the leader said, the Thai army has strongly demanded the two hostile forces, the KNLA and Burma army, “not make noisy by shooting” around Mae Sam Leap. This is due to the number of tourists each year that enjoy the Salween River when rainy season is over, generating lots of income for Thailand.
The leader also hinted that there are KNLA “special sniper groups” active in the area.
Cadres of All Burma Student Democratic Front (ABSDF) are sitting at a shop in a village neary by their headquarter in Wei Gyi. ABSDF, which was a product of the popular but failed 88 uprising, has been marginalized along with other armed struggling group. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Inside the Ei Tu Hta camp itself, an intelligence network is on the alert. Jungle agents report back to those in the camp about the movement of government and DKBA forces.
KNLA cadres, often along with cadres of the All Burma Students Democratic Front (ABSDF — an armed group that emerged from the 1988 pro-democracy uprising) patrol the area.
U Maung Oo, the 50-year-old secretary of ABSDF in Wei Gyi headquarters located in the area, seemed more cautious of talking about a possible attack, simply saying: “We try to do our best to guard the area.”
In Papun district, which includes Ei Tu Hta, there is also the ABSDF “frontline”. If the rumoured offensive occurred and spilled into the district, the poorly armed ABSDF may have to engage in the fighting.
Although the ABSDF has welcomed dozens of new cadres in recent times, who enrolled in the armed struggle after the monk-led “saffron revolution” in 2007, the group is poorly equipped with just a handful of AK 47 assault rifles and M16s given to them by the KNLA long ago.
It has also been suffering hunger without significant external support. The armed struggle has been marginalised partly due to the fact that non-government organisations (NGOs) with a “non-violence” principle have been flourishing in Burma’s exiled movements, particularly since September 11, 2001.
Because the area is one of the crucial gateways from Burma via jungle to northern Thailand, its fall could have a fatal impact on Burma’s exiled movements in Northern Thailand.
The Burmese junta and its proxy forces would find it far easier to infiltrate those movements. The junta seems to have this as its dream before its ambitious 2010 elections.
“The junta has an ambition to eliminate all the obstacles to consolidate its power before the 2010 election”, said the ABSDF chairperson, Than Khe, who is currently based in Thailand.
“The recent strengthened assaults around border areas, including the Chinese border, are a sign of this wish.”
The junta’s deadline for dozens of ethnic groups that have agreed to ceasefires to transform all armed groups into Border Guard Forces is also understood in this regard. It has much to do with the new constitution and the upcoming elections, as the junta is seeking “unitary command” above “all armed forces”.
This goal is set out in the new constitution, authorised by the so-called referendum when the country was hit by Cyclone Nargis in May 2008.
Children of a nursing school in Ei Thu Hta IDPs camp in estern Burma. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Saw Ya Tu, the 54-year-old chief of Ei Tu Hta camp, spoke about the escape plan for the IDPs in the event of a military offensive. It is a huge operation as there are nearly 5000 IDPs in both camp sites.
Nevertheless, the chief has a more pressing problem. There is a shortage of food for IDPs in the camp, as well as throughout eastern Burma, where 450,000 IDPs are estimated to live, with more than 100,000 IDPs in Karen state alone.
The Ei Tu Hta camp gets rice and salt from the Thai Burma Border Consorsium, which also provides for refugees on the Thai side. Some Christian NGOs have supported schools in Ei Tu Hta camp.
However, IDPs inside Burma have received far less than refugees on the Thai side, despite the fact that the number of refugees on the Thai side is estimated to be one-third of the number of IDPs inside Burma.
The recently released report by the Karen Human Rights Group Starving Them Out has vividly drawn out this miserable situation for IDPs inside Burma. The report said that, owing to increasing military activity in the government-controlled areas, villagers some parts of the Papun District are in danger of starving.
These villagers do not expect to survive for more than a few months on this years rice crop.
By the end of October, the predicted offensive by the Burma Army and DKBA had not yet taken place. A report about ceasefire talks between the DKBA and KNU emerged on October 19. But the talks failed, creating more uncertainty for those hiding and the starving population in the jungle.
Published by Green Left Weekly at
India-Burma Transport Project to Devastate Local Livelihoods and Cultures, Arakan Rivers Network says
Arakan Rivers Network (ARN) Releases Preliminary Report on Impact of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Project
Press Release
November 10, 2009
Local civilians in Western Burma (Myanmar) face severe negative consequences from the planned construction of the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project; these include heavy damage to the environment and therefore livelihoods, as well as widespread human rights abuses. A preliminary report from the Arakan Rivers Network (ARN) presents some of these local voices and highlights their concerns; it provides a comprehensive update on the status of the project and an expert analysis of its expected impacts. The report will be released on November 10, 2009.
The Kaladan Project aims to connect the landlocked area of Northeast India with the sea via the Kaladan River in Western Burma’s Arakan and Chin states, opening up trade routes to Southeast Asia. However, this progressive leap for India’s “Look East Policy” will also have a broad range of devastating effects on the people of Arakan and Chin States, most of whom already live in extreme poverty and have not had any input in the planning and construction of this project. The communities inhabiting areas that will be affected by the Kaladan Project will see no benefit to their local economies or their level of development; in fact, the project will make it harder for locals to pursue their livelihoods, secure their basic necessities, and provide for their families.
ARN Director Aung Marm Oo, summarized the link between rivers and local livelihoods in Arakan, and the consequences of the Kaladan Project: The Kaladan is the most important of Arakan State’s four main rivers, with more than one third of the state’s population residing close to its banks. Over 90% of these people totally depend on the river for fishing, farming and travel. If this project goes ahead under the rule of Burma’s oppressive military regime, people from not only Arakan, but also Chin State, will suffer enormously. At the same time, the regime will send in more troops, confiscating hundreds of acres of farmland from local farmers for military use. The military presence and the execution of the Kaladan development will also lead to numerous human rights abuses, environmental degradation and the decimation of ecosystems, biodiversity and the migratory paths of important species.”
ARN has been following the developments of the Kaladan Project since the first agreement on the project was signed in April 2008. This report is the first of its kind, and compiles information from a number of primary and secondary sources. Enlisting the support of experts in many fields, from river development to Burma’s foreign relations, this Preliminary Report gives a comprehensive overview of the project’s local implications and its wider significance amid the current Asian political climate.
The ARN aims to protect regional ecosystems from deterioration and prevent the destruction of habitats that are home to endangered species. We endeavour to bring an end to the persistent abuse inflicted on the people of Arakan and Chin States as a result of development projects that favour Burma’s oppressive military regime.
###
For further information please contact:
Aung Marm Oo, Director (ARN): + (0) 81- 6736326
JJ Kim, Volunteer: + (0) 85- 4784971
source : http://www.arakanrivers.net/
Also read the related article at http://www.dvb.no/english/news.php?id=3038
115 Civil Society Groups Urge China to Suspend Disastrous Pipelines in Burma
Embargoed Press release for October 28, 2009
115 civil society organizations and political parties from 20 countries today submitted an open letter to China’s President Hu Jintao calling for the suspension of oil and gas pipelines through Burma in order to prevent rights abuses and regional instability, avoiding financial and image risks to China. Petitions were submitted by the Shwe Gas Movement and its solidarity networks at Chinese Embassies in Thailand, India, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Malaysia, Australia, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands and the UK.
State-owned China National Petroleum Corporation holds a majority stake in the construction of dual oil and gas pipelines which will transfer oil shipped from the Middle East and Africa as well as natural gas from the Shwe Gas fields in western Burma to China’s Yunnan Province. The project will provide the military junta a minimum of 29 billion US dollars over 30 years.
Abuses are already starting to surface in the project area, including beatings of fishermen and fishing prohibitions in the offshore drilling area as well as confiscation of land at the start of the pipeline in Arakan State.
Burma ranks tenth in the world in terms of natural gas reserves yet its per capita electricity consumption is less than 5% of neighbouring Thailand and China, as it exports most of its energy resources. Increased fuel prices led to country-wide demonstrations in 2007, which were cracked down upon by the Burma Army.
“Land confiscation and other human rights abuses in the pipeline corridor and exporting the oil and gas while people across the country is facing energy shortages is a dangerous mix that will cause social unrest and conflicts between local people and foreign corporations, says Wong Aung, International Coordinator of Shwe Gas Movement.
Unresolved conflicts between the Burma regime and ethnic ceasefire armies along the planned pipeline route in northern Shan State led to a military offensive by the Burma Army in August forcing over thirty thousand ethnic Kokang to escape to China.
Last month the Danish Pension Fund Danica Pension blacklisted one of the main stakeholders in the Shwe project, Daewoo International, citing a “breach of international guidelines in connection with its activities in Burma.” Other pension funds are reported to be monitoring the corporations involved in the Shwe gas pipelines project.
“China has the power to suspend this project, and rather that being part of the problem, becoming part of a long-term solution by promoting equitable development of the people of the two nations and peace in the region,” says Kim , Shwe Gas Movement ,India.
———————####————————
The Shwe Gas Movement is a coalition of organizations from Burma based in Thailand, India, Bangladesh and Burma. See www.shwe.org for more information
Recent Comments