Witness of the War Without Witness-WWWW
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COPY RIGHT Lee Yu Kyung All rights reserved
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Ever since the Sri Lanka’s brutal ethnic war was ended in May 19 2009, international human rights organizations, Tamil diaspora, a few UN agencies or renowned intellectuals have called for an independent investigation of war crimes committed by Sri Lankan armed forces and Tamil Tigers (or LTTE). To enhance this call further, there have been several footages and photos leaked to be published by a few international media and rights groups, notably Channel 4 in the UK, indicating very possible war crimes by Sri Lankan armed forces. It is estimated that, during the last 5 months of the war, the death toll would reach at as many as ’40,000 plus’.
Since the latter half of 2008 through the whole period of the war till its end in May 2009, all the journalists and most of humanitarian agencies have been blocked by Sri Lankan government. As a matter of fact, this kind of blockade never was easy for decades except a period of ceasefire or ‘peace talks’. It remains uneasy till today, despite the conclusion of the war. Severe restrictions to the war-ravaged North and East, where people have started their lives from war debris, has virtually caused basic livelihood extremely difficult. Towards the end of 2010, the Sri Lanka government has reportedly ordered International Committee of the Red Cross (or ICRC) to close their offices in the North.
Since my first trip to the country, formerly known as the Island of Ceylon, in early 2005 – right after Tsunami hit the Island – I’ve been deeply into the Sri Lanka’s conflict in both emotional and journalistic. I’ve traveled the country during the last assault in 2009 but was ‘forced’ to have ‘second hand’ information due to restrictions on media. Sri Lanka has been one of the most difficult countries on earth being a journalist.
After a year and half in 2010, I have made a journey to the North, this time, to try to get accounts from those witnessing the ‘war without witness’. This is a second such attempt to get witnesses’ account, which I got from escapees of the internment camps – or so-called IDPs camps – in third countries. Last assault for months in 2009 was called, truly it was then, ‘War without Witness’. Yet, I believe the hundreds of thousands who were trapped in the war zones, were all witnesses of this brutal ending.
The following photos have featured a handful of those survivors and family members seeking where about of their loved ones. The project, in which ‘witnesses’ of Sri Lanka’s war will be featured, remains to be continued.
The Tamils sisters have gone through a bunker life for more than 3 years while being constantly displaced during the last years of Sri Lanka’s war. The family had been detained in the internment camp or Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camp for several months in 2009 after fled the war zone. Even after released from the camp, no livelihood available for the family, who has been living in the dramatically militarized Northern part of Sri Lanka. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 37 year-old Tamil man has lost his wife and two daughters as the family were fleeing the war zone, which had been under heavy shelling, on May 14 2009. He and two sons survived. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 53 year-old Tamil woman has been desperately seeking where about of her daughter, who was a LTTE conscript since 2008. According to witnesses, the daughter was last seen having severe injury but was taken away by Sri Lankan soldiers at Omanthai check point, the main reception point to the government side in the North during the last stage of Sri Lanka’s war. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
The 35 year-old Tamil woman shows a news report about her missing brother, who was last seen at the army check point in the North in 2007. She has lost her mother, sister and elder brother who all shot dead by Sri Lanka army in early 90s. Since the war in Sri Lanka has been resumed in 2006, thousands people – mostly Tamil youths – have disappeared. Some of them were last witnessed at the army checkpoint. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
Having gone through a decades-long civil war, there are tens of thousands war widows in Sri Lanka’s North and East. Many of their family members have gone missing, as they were passing through a military checkpoint. The woman (in the picture), whose husband has disappeared at the military checkpoint in the North in 2007, has kept all sorts of reports issued by from human right groups to police, hoping to find out her husband oneday. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A Tamil family have kept tools, which they used for digging bunker while being constantly displaced for years during the last stage of war in Sri Lanka. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 5 year-old Tamil boy has shrapnel caused-scars over his body and part of a toe was blown off. He has lost both parents during the last stage of the war in 2009. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 10 year-old boy has lost his mother and two sisters as the family were crossing over to the government side during the last stage of Sri Lanka’s war. Visibly traumatized, the boy has often fainted. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A decades-long civil war in Sri Lanka has created scars among children in both physical and mental. Sanjive Rubaganatha (3) has many scars caused by shrapnel pieces over his body. He often draws something, which he describes, ‘dead bodies’ or ‘shelling’. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“I couldn’t leave my children (orphans) behind the war zone…” said a priest. As the army told all the religious leaders to get out from the war zone during the last stage of the war in 2009, 8 priests resisted to stay till last moment. One missing, one died of heart attack, 6 survived. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
“My son was conscripted by LTTE in April 2007 but fled the LTTE next year. I had had to hide him in a bunker, caring of his excrement” said the 43 year-old grieving mother. The son, however, has surrendered to the army as the family crossed over to the government side. Even then he has been detained one of dozens ‘rehabilitation camps’, where about 12000 ‘LTTE suspects’ have been detained without any charge or trial. While the government has claimed it has released 5,586 out of 11,696 as of January 2011, some of the released under the government’s “Ex-Combatant Rehabilitation Process” were allegedly re-arrested or abducted and have disappeared. The former detainees have claimed they got torture and routine assault. There’s no transparent process or international monitoring of these camps, creating fear of great human rights violations, and further disappearance. (Photo @ Lee Yu Kyung)
A 19 year-old college student has got one leg amputated due to wound during the last stage of war in Sri Lanka. Since then, he has a dream to become a doctor, wishing to help those who wounded.
아시아의 얼굴, 아시아의 투쟁 – 집속탄/Portraits of Asia – Legacy of cluster bombs
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방은 라오스 남부의 사바나켓 지방과 함께 지구상에서 가장 많은 폭탄이 떨어진 지역이다. 집속탄을 포함하여 그 폭탄 다수는 오늘날까지 불발탄으로 남아 현지인들의 생명을 위협하고, 불구자를 양산하고 있다. 레바논, 이라크, 아프간, 조지아…등 집속탄, 불발탄으로 고통받는 나라들이 많지만, 그 어느 나라도 라오스를 능가하지 못한다.
라오스의 집속탄은 1964년부터 1973년까지 미국이 치른 비밀전쟁의 후유증이다. CIA가 주도한 비밀전쟁기간 미 공군기는 2억 7천만개의 집속탄 알갱이를 포함하여 2백만톤의 폭탄을 투하하였다. 9년동안 8분당 한 번꼴로 폭탄이 떨어졌다. 라오스에서 가장 많이 발견되는 집속탄은 불발율 30%에 이르는 ‘BLU-26′, 그 집속탄 알갱이들이 종전 후 약 35년간 1만 500명의 목숨을 앗아간 주범이며 1만 1천 500명의 신체를 훼손한 주범이다. 일부 엔지오 단체와 라오스 정부가 90년대 중반부터 불발탄 제거작업을 시작하였고, 지난 15년간 제거된 불발탄은 1% 미만이다. 현재의 속도와 기술로는 천년은 족히 걸린다고 불발탄 제거팀 관계자들은 지적한다.
급기야 이 ‘대량살상무기’ 집속탄을 국제사회가 규제하고 나섰다. 2008년 12월 3일, 집속탄 금지 협약 (Convention on Cluster Munitions)이 체결되었고, 2010년 8월 1일부터 효력이 발생되기 시작했다. 전 세계 108개국이 참여하고 있는 이 협약에는 그러나 중국, 이스라엘, 인도, 파키스탄, 미국 그리고 두 코리아는 참여하지 않았다. 특히 한국의 풍산과 한화 두 기업은 2008년 초, 규제협약이 한창 논의중이던 시절, 파키스탄에 집속탄을 수출한 바 있으며, 이에 대한 제보가 필자로 하여금 집속탄 취재를 시작하게 만들었다.
아래 사진은 2008년 11월 집속탄 최대 피해국 라오스에서 찍은 것들이다.
The Northern Province of Xieng Khong in Laos is one of the heaviest bombed place in the world along with the country’s southern province Savanakhet. The country itself is the worst affected by UXO and cluster munitions. No country on the earth could be able to compete Laos by the actual number of Unexploded Ordnance (UXO), including cluster munitions. Half of victims of cluster munitions are reportedly from Laos.
During the CIA waged-Secret War from 1964 till 1973, American airplanes had dropped 2 million tons of bombs, among which were 270 millions of cluster bomblets (or ‘bombies’ as locals call), that have been the main cause of 10,500 of death and 11,500 of injury for 35 years since the war ended. This appalling legacy is witnessed even ‘today’.
Children and farmers are particularly vulnerable to bombies, because bombies are usually found in farm fields and it is often invisible under the ground. Experts say that one CBU (or Cluster Bombs Unit) of ‘BLU 26’, the most common cluster munitions in Laos with 30% dud rate, could devastate three foot ball fields.
Since the mid of 1990s, some international NGOs and Laos government have launched clearance operation of UXOs. The UXOs have been cleared approximately between 0.5% – 0.9% for the past 14-15 years. Thus, it may take well over a thousand year to root out all remains, unless dramatic progress is made in clearance technology.
Meanwhile, the Convention on Cluster Munitions comes into effect on August 1, prohibiting 108 signatory countries from using, producing or transferring the munitions. Laos has been one of the leading signatories of the Convention. The other signatories include Briton, France, Germany and Japan, but not China, Israel, India, the US – the biggest producer – and South Korea, my home country. South Korea takes an excuse of its foe North Korea, which is also producing the deadly munitions.
The following pcitures were taken from Laos dated back in 2008 November just before the Convention was signed.
'USA' 마크가 선명히 보이는 폭탄의 잔해들은 라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 곳곳에서 어렵지 않게 볼 수 있다 / A pile of scrap metals of Unexploded Ordnance (or UXO) - with 'USA' mark at times- are easily found in the northern province of Xieng Khong in Laos. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
집속탄의 일종인 'BLU26'가 투하되는 장면을 모형화 해놓은 것. CIA의 라오스 비밀전쟁(19641973) 동안 집중 사용된 이 집속탄은 한 유닛에 670개의 작은 포탄이 들어있다. A NGO in Vientiane, the capital in Laos, makes model of air-dropping 'BLU-26' cluster bombs (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
이게 바로 ‘BLU-26’ 집속탄. 라오스에 가장 많이 남아 있는 불발탄이자, 가장 많은 목숨을 앗아간 집속탄 종류다. 사진에서 보듯 한 집속탄 모탄에 670 개의 작은 자탄이 들어 있고, 각각의 자탄은 200-300 개의 파편이 될 수 있다. 그리고 파편 하나는 약 300 미터까지 날라가 사망과 부상을 야기할 수 있다. / ‘BLU-26’ Cluster bombs are the most common in Xieng Khong province and elsewhere in Laos. One CBU (or Cluster Bombs Unit) contains 670 bomblets (or bombie) and each bomblet has 200-300 fragments, which can be scattered some 300 meters further to cause death or injury. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
이 집속탄은 'BLU-3'탄이다. 길다란 모탄안에 노란빛 자탄이 들어 있다. 흔히 '파인애플탄'으로도 불리며, 색깔이 고와 아이들이 찾아다니는 위험성을 지닌 집속탄이다. / ‘BLU-3’ Cluster bombs is often called ‘pineapple bomblet’ for its yellow color. Many children are said to search for them as this type of cluster munitions appear to be ‘pretty’ and can be sold in 'good money' in a market. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
폭탄의 잔해들은 고물장터에서 '좋은 가격'에 거래된다. 1 kg 당 2만 낍 (약 3천원) 이다. 빈곤한 농민들과 어린이들이 숲속에서 잔해를 찾아다니는 이유다. 그러나 이 과정에서 불발탄을 건드려 치명적인 사고를 당하는 경우가 적지 않다. / Some villagers collect scraps to sell them in a market, from where scraps are said to be transferred to Vietnam. The prices are varied, but the normal price of one kg of scraps would be 20,000 Kip (apprx. 2.5 USD), which is good amount to poor farmer. The authority and INGOs have educated villagers that it’s dangerous to search out UXO to sell, which could be exploded during transferring. But some villagers still take a life risks for it. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
폭탄의 잔해들은 라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 곳곳에서 어렵지 않게 볼 수 있다 / A pile of scrap metals of Unexploded Ordnance, or UXO are easily found in the northern province of Xieng Khong in Laos. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
폭탄의 잔해들은 가옥받침대나 화분 등 여러 용도로 쓰인다. / Scrap metals of Unexploded Ordnance, or UXO have been used as pillars of house in villages of the northern province Xieng Khong in Laos.(Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
샹쾅지방에 사는 톰미 실람판(19)은 10여년 전 대나무 죽순을 캐다가 땅속 깊이 박힌 집속탄 알갱이가 터져 왼손을 잃었다. / Tommy Silamphan (19) from the northern province of Xieng Khong in Laos has got injured to lose one hand when he mistakenly hit the ‘bombie’ while searching boomboo shoot for eating. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
분미 비자르(28)는 10년 전 연못을 파다가 1m 깊이에 도사리고 있던 집속탄 알갱이, 밤비(bombie)가 터지면서 팔 하나를 잃었다. “집속탄이 위험하다는 건 대강 알고 있었지만 그렇게 깊은 곳에 터지지 않은 탄이 있을 거라고는 상상도 하지 못했다”고 말한다. / Bunmy Bizzar (28) has lost one arm as he hit the bombie 10 years ago when he digged ground to make a fish pond. “The bombie was found somewhere one meter below” he said. According to the UXO clearance agency, the best detector (made in Germany) that they have been using can detect bombie upto 10 cm below from the ground. The team worry that they would miss deep hidden-bombie that could cause casualty. “We need better equipment”, they said. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
불발탄 제거팀이 산속으로 가져가 폭파시킬 불발탄을 조심스럽게 옮기고 있다. / The team of UXO Lao, the government sponsored UXO clearance agency in Laos, is moving UXOs that will be exploded deep in the mountains. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
불발탄 제거팀원이 산속으로 이송한 불발탄 위에 TNT라는 폭발물질을 바르고 있다. / A staff of the local clearance agency UXO Lao, pastes TNT - chemical explosives - on UXOs. The team is going to blow off UXOs along with TNT by detonator (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방에서 불발탄 제거팀이 폭탄 탐지 작업을 벌이고 있다. / The staffs of UXO Lao, the government-sponsored UXO clearance agency in Laos, are detecting UXO in Phongsavan in the country’s northern province Xieng Khong. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
불발탄 제거팀이 폭발물 TNT 바르는 작업을 마친 후 마을 주민들에게 폭발예고를 하고 있다. / A staff of the local clearance team UXO Lao announces villagers as a warning that the agency will detonate UXOs nearby therefore none of villagers should pass the area (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
불발탄 제거팀 총 책임자가 폭탄이 터지는 마지막 순간을 긴장된 표정으로 바라보고 있다. / A field chief of UXO Lao, the local clearance agency, is nervously looking at explosion of six bombies (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
정교하고 위험한 작업을 거쳐 마침내 불발탄이 터지고 있다. 밥비 (Bombie, 집속탄 알갱이) 6개가 날아가는 순간이다./ At last step of clearance of UXOs, six bombies were finally gone with explosion (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 어린이들. 60-70년대 CIA의 비밀전쟁이 남긴, 불발탄 집속탄으로 가장 큰 피해를 보는 지역이다. 피해자 다수는 농민과 어린이들이다. / Children of the northern province of Xieng Khong in Laos. As the province is one of the heaviest bombed area in the world, children have been vulnerable to UXOs, particularly cluster bomblets (or ‘bombie’ as locals call). As those bomblets are small ball-like, often invisible under the ground, or having beautiful color, children touch them easily or by accident. It is said that some children have tried to search war scraps in forest to sell them for their family’s income. NGO workers warn the portion of children victims has been increasing in recent years. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅지방 몽족 어린이가 집에서 요리를 하고 있다. CIA는 비밀전쟁당시 몽족을 용병으로 이용하였다. 전쟁후 미국이 '버리고 간' 몽족은 오늘날 미국에 부역한 자신들을 용서하지 않는 라오 공산 정부에 의해 쫓기며 정글에서 비참하게 숨어 지내거나 마을에서도 극심한 빈곤을 면치 못하고 있다. / A hmong girl is cooking at her home in Xieng Khong province (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 주민들. 샹쾅 지방은 남부 사바나켓과 함께 CIA 비밀전쟁의 끔찍한 전설, 불발탄이 가장 많이 남아 있는 곳이다. / People in the northern province of Xieng Khong in Laos have been suffered from poverty, which has been intensified thanks to remains of the CIA-waged secret war (1964-1973), particularly cluster munitions. As many farm lands are still contaminated by UXOs, livelihood of people has been affected. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
한 승려가 라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 탐뷰(ThanPieu) 동굴 학살 추모제 기간 동굴을 방문하고 있다. 이 동굴은 1968년 11월 24일, 미 공군기는 집속탄을 포함하여 포탄을 이 동굴에 투하하여 내부에 피신해 있던 374명의 목숨을 앗아갔다. 비밀전쟁 당시 9년동안 8분에 한번 꼴로 떨어지던 폭탄을 피하기 위해 동굴은 최대한 기능할 수 있는 피난처였다. / Monks visit in ‘ThamPieu’ cave in the northern province of Xieng Khong province in Laos on the occasion of the ‘ThamPieu Massacre’, which was happening in November 24 of 1968. American airplane droped bombs (including cluster bombs) on the Cave, killing all 374 people, who had taken refugees being escaped from the ongoing bombing during the secret war. People in the province today remember the victims this time of every year. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
60-70년대 빠떼트라오 (라오스 공산당) 당원이었던 몽족 남성이 비밀전쟁 기간 자신의 경험을 이야기 하고 있다. 그에 따르면 대부분의 주민들이 동굴안에서 살아야 했으며 하루에 한두번 정도 먹을거리를 모으기 위해 동굴밖을 나왔다. 농사를 짓고 있는 그는 불발탄이 숨어 있는 논에서 위험을 감수하며 일하고 있다. 어린이와 농부들은 불발탄의 최대 희생자들이다. / A Hmong man recounts his experience during the secret war, in which American plane had dropped 2 million tons of bombs including more than 270 million cluster bomblets or bombie (as locals call). He said most of people were forced to live inside the cave or bunker for years. People went out of the cave only once or twice a day to collect foods to eat, he said. He, as a farmer, now takes his life risky when he works in a farming field, where cluster bomblets have been hidden. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방 몽족 마을에서 몽족 어린이들이 전쟁 놀이를 하고 있다. 60-70년대 CIA의 비밀전쟁 기간 몽족은 미국의 용병 노릇을 했다. 전쟁 후 미국이 '버리고' 간 그들은 공산정권이 들어선 라오스에서 정권의 탄압에 쫒기고, 억압받고 있다. / Hmong children are playing ‘war game’ in a village of the northern province in Laos. The minority ethnic Hmong in Laos were recruited by CIA during the 9 years CIA-waged secret war. Ironically, Hmong people are all but victims of the cluster bomblets that had been dropped by the then American airplanes. Besides, reports have revealed that Hmong people have been persecuted by Laos authority in jungle areas for their former collaboration with America in a period of secret war. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
라오스 북부 샹쾅 지방에 사는 몽족 여인 니아 플리아총(64)은 집속탄 알갱이 '밤비'에 아들을 잃었다. 아이러니 하게도 그녀의 남편은 비밀전쟁 기간 CIA 용병이었고, 가족은 호세월을 누렸다. 그녀는 "몽족은 아들이 없으면 아무것도 아니다"라며 한숨짓는다. The Hmong woman named Nia Pliachong (64) has lost her son as he was killed by a ‘bombie’ while he was working in farming field decades ago. She is one of a number of Hmong ethnics who had lived in the ‘secret city’ Long Chien, where CIA agents and army based in during the 9 years bombing mission. Hmong men including her husband, who passed away years ago, were recruited by CIA then. In return, they’ve got money, foods, house and all necessary stuffs provided. She now condemns the USA’s war, however, as she lost her son by a bombie which was dropped by the USA. “In our Hmong custom, you’re nothing if you don’t have son”, she sighs. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Campaign for the prisoned candidate, ‘same same’
Bangkok, July 24
“For the liberty of the people, the equality of the public, democracy in Thailand and for the world to know that Thai people hate injustice, vote number four — Korkaew,”
was read out by a member of the opposition Pheu Thai party at the stage in Suan Siam on July 23. It was a same message of SMS sent by Mr. Korkaew, the candidate of Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by election, from Bangkok Remand Prison. Mr.Korkaew Pikulthong has not been allowed to outdoor campaign nor accepted release on bail from the prison, where most of Red Shirts leaders have been held. Instead, the supporters – one can say all are Red Shirts - rallyed in giant number to show their support for this jailed candidate.
It was rather intesting to observe the gathering for the first time since the bloody crackdown of May 19, as the atmosphere of the rally was not much different from what the Red Shirts had appeared in their month long rally. Lots of vendors were selling various Red Shirts, CD or DVD of those bloody days and photos of their jailed leaders. Food stalls were never missing. – This is Thailand!- Absolute majority of those who were filled at front rows were women cheering with ‘feet clapping’ or ‘Red heart clapping’ stuff. Fellow journalists and I made a joke of this ‘same same’ rally. They effectively used the election campaign for their longing but suppressed rights to assemble. Why not?
There’s said to be a plan of ‘Red aerobic dance’ in Lumbini park, where aerobic dance in collective are often seen. Would the Red Shirts be disappeared by Emegency Decree or power wielding measures…?
Penseur21
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday's by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday's by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Except some MPs and leading figures on the stage, the atmosphere of the rally appeared to be 'same same' to what the Red Shirts rally had looked like (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Pheu Thai MP Mr. Jatuporn Prompen is one and only free leader out of dozens Red Shirts leaders, who have been either prisoned or fled.
A woman wearing Jatuporn-featured Red Shirts listens to the speaker of the stage. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or "Siam Park") on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong, who is one of the Red SHirts core leaders. The rally didn't much differ from the previous Red Shirts rally, reflecting resilience of Red Shirts. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
A Red Shirts women looks at the Red shirts paper, which featured the May 19 crackdown (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
- Several thousands Red Shirts gather at Suan Siam (or “Siam Park”) on July 23 to campaign for the prisoned candidate Korkaew Pikulthong. Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Mr.Panich Viktsreth (right in the picture), the candidate for Democrats is 'exclusivley' enjoying his election campaign for sunday's by election as his prisoned competitor Mr. Korkaew has not been allowed to outdoor campaign nor accepted release on bail. There are critical voices questioning Pheu Thai party as to why the party nominated a 'terrorism charged and jailed-person' for its candidate. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Mr. Korkaew is a candidate for the opposition Pheu Thai party running for sunday’s by-election. He is also one of the core Red Shirts leaders who have been prisoned with charges of terrorism. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Bangkok Remand Prison, from where Mr. Korkaew Pikulthong has been 'campaigning' such as sending SMS or hand-written message to voters. Foreign media is not allow to access the jailed candidate or other Red Shirts leaders who have been charges of terrorism and detained in the prison (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Amazing Thailand, the STATE of emergency
“Amazing Thailand Grand Sale 2010″
Big and splendorous board has been put up on skywalk through Rachaprasong intersection in Bangkok. The “80%” written on red ‘shopping bag’ on the board makes it certainly temptable to ‘buyers’, despite temptations contradict the reality behind the scene.
July, 2010 Rachaprasong, Bangkok (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
On July 6, the cabinet in Thailand has approved the extension of emergency decree in 19 provinces, which include many in North East (or Isaan), the Red Shirts’ heartland. The extension came a day after the Brussels based International Crisis Group think tank has recommended the government to immediately lift the decree and hold a fresh election for a genuine reconciliation. But the Prime Minister Abhisit Vejajiva blew off hopes for earlier elections weeks ago. It seems now ‘out of question’.
'Reconcilation' has become a hollow word in Thailand, the STATE of Emergency (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Some areas around Rachaprasong are hindered in passage due to reconstruction of shopping malls, which were burnt down by angry Red Shirts on May 19. (Photo @ Yu K. Lee)
Meanwhile, the extension this time is not relevant to the troubled South such as Yala, Pattani and Narrathiwat, where the emergency decree has overshadowed routine life at all since July of 2005, when it replaced martial law under the Thaksin regime. The decree in the South has been ever since extended every three month by whosoever governments, that of course include Coup forces whice ousted the elected Prime Minister in 2006 and the incumbent Democrat-led coalition which has been persecuting the ousted Prime Minister wholeheartedly.
The whole developments of the decree reminds me of the time in 2008, when I interestingly noticed ‘two different state of emergencies’ in Bangkok and the South of Thailand.
In Bangkok, the deadly street battle between the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts in the early morning of September 2 2008 has led the then Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, the Red friendly Prime Minister who passed away last year, to declare state of emergency. But the Yellow protesters have mocked the decree by continuing their occupation of the government house and elsewhere. They eventually have ‘extended’ the occupation to the two main airports in late November, while the state of emergency was short-lived.
As state of emergency was declared by the former Prime Minister Samak Sundaravej, who passed away in 2009, the army were deployed in Bangkok amid clashes between the Yellow Shirts and the Red Shirts on September 2, 2008. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
PAD, the Yellow Shirts have continued their occupation inside the government house on September 3 2008, despite the state of emergency was declared a day earlier. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Mr. Somsak Kosaisuk, one of the core PAD leaders on stage inside government house on September 9 2008, mockering the state of emergency declared by the then Red friendly government. He has become a new leader of New Politics, the political wing of PAD, on July 3 2010. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Virtually contrasted scene was observed in the South, where I had been in previous month, August of the year.
‘Apparently’ normal life didn’t looked disturbed, but fear and silent complaints are easily heard particularly in villages. During my stay in the South, I constatnly heard one word that sounded like ‘trakkut‘, which means ‘fear’ in Yawi, the local dialect of Malay language. People complaint about the army’s petrol in villages and intruding their houses, saying they hardly understood what army questioned them. Villagers in the South cannot understand thai lauguage well, which is not at all their mother tongue. There are victims of torture, families who lost their loved ones. There are places, where villager(s) found to be decapitated and the witness of the decapitated got shot dead days later he witnessed the decapitated in one particular case. I found 28 bullet marks at the scene, where the witness was targetted. No one has claimed responsibility of these all horrible acts and violences, including driving shooting, bomb blasts and decapitation, which is the most shuddering way of killing.
Having conversations with army personnels, including the spokesperson of Internal Security Operations Commands (or ISOC) as well as the detained suspect, I personally observed that the intelligence of security forces didn’t seem to be sophisticated enough to cope with ‘ghost’ guerrillas. In fact and crucially, there are different players causing violences, including various militia sponsored by the state as well as the security forces, let alone those ghost guerillas.
It seems few in Bangkok or other provinces bother the ‘state of emergency’ in the South, where almost daily violences haunt.
Some pictures which were taken back in 2008 are following.
- Penseur21 -
Thai national flag is waving on top of the central mosque in Pattani province in the South Thailand, where separatist movement remains unabated. (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
The security forces are partolling the town of Pattani. August 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Buddist and muslim girls study together in Choairong school in Narrathiwat. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Students of Ponoh Dalot, the religious school in Pattani, has recalled of the day, 1st August when some 200 security forces has stormed the school in a military operation, killing one and arrested three. All four were said to be not students of the school. The operation has alienated locals from the authority. Pattani 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Nima Kaseng is a widow of Imam Yapa Kaseng, who was taken by security forces March 2008 without charge under the Emergency Decree, to be tortured to death. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
A 18-old boy was taken by security forces without charge under the Emergency Decree in March 2008. He's got water & beer torture. Security forces also used red pepper and sliced chilly to torture him. He was suffocated with plastic bag as well as kicked down. He was forced to admit he was a militant but released a month later as he was found to be innocent. "I was lucky to be alive" he said, adding “no feeling of revenge”. Narrathiwat 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Mr. Thira Minthrasak was a governor of Yala in August 2008. He was the only and ever muslim governor in the region as of visiting. He was replaced by the vice-governor Mr.Kritsada Bunrat in October 2009. Yala 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Paramilitary forces in the town of Yala provinces. Yala 2008 (Photo @ Yu K. LEE)
Where are they? / 어디로 싣고 갔나?
Where are they?
Dozens of men and women were taken by ‘police vehicle in black’
from Sarisin intersection (between Saladaeng intersection and Rachadamri BTS) to ‘somewhere’ around 14:00-14:20 on May 19, the bloodiest day in Thai history. As the armed forces brutally crackdowned Red Shirts protesters, whose majority are women, children and elders, by using live rounds and armoured vehicles, it was shoot on sight indeed.
Seeing those prisoners’ eyes were blindfolded and hands being tied back, it all reminds me of ‘extrajudical killing’ scene in Sri Lanka and elsewhere. I dead hope such horror wouldn’t occur in Thailand. The authority must reveal where these people have been detained and allow them to be accessed by their family, lawyers and visitors who wish to help them.
어디로 싣고 갔나?
5월 19일 방콕의 붉은 셔츠 반정부 시위현장으로 들어온 무장 군인들, 그들은 ‘보이는대로 쏘는’ 작전을 수행하였습니다. 그리고 정오께 사진에서 보시는대로 십여명의 붉은 셔츠 시위대를 포로로 잡아들였습니다. 여성과 승려 두 명을 포함한 이 포로들을 군경은 오후 2시 – 2시 20분 사이 검은색 경찰차에 싣고 어딘가로 끌고 갔습니다. 그들은 눈은 여전히 가려졌고, 손은 뒤로 묶여 있었습니다.
포로의 눈과 손을 묶은 이 모습은 지난 해 (2009) 스리랑카 내전지역에서 반군 타밀 타이거 반군들이 같은 모습으로 정부군에 의해 현장 사살되던 장면을 제게 떠올립니다. 인권침해로 악명 높은 타이 군과 공고하고도 잔혹한 기득권층의 지지를 받고 있는 현 아비싯 정권은 이 포로들이 감금되어 있는 곳을 밝히고, 왜 그들의 눈을 가려야했는지 분명히 밝혀야 할 것입니다. 아울러 변호사, 가족, 방문객의 접근을 허용해야 할 것입니다.
- Penseur21 -
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts woman prisoner while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 여성 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts prisoner was surrounded by armed forces while the bloody crackdown by armed forces on Red Shirts in Bangkok on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대가 무장군에 둘러싸여 있다 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by Thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts woman prisoner while the bloody crackdown by Thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoner was taken to unknown location while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
Red Shirts prisoners while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts prisoner was surrounded by Thai armed forces while the bloody crackdown by armed forces on Red Shirts were taking place in Bangkok on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts prisoner was taken to unknown location while the bloody crackdown by Thai armed forces was taking place on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts prisoner was taken to unknown location while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces was taking place on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이군의 무력진압과정에서 포로로 잡힌 붉은 셔츠 시위대 (사진 : 이유경)
A monk 'prisoner' also was taken to unknown location along with Red Shirts prisoner and another monk. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 승려 포로가 붉은 셔츠 시위대와 함께 어딘가로 끌려가고 있다 (사진 : 이유경)
A Red Shirts prisoner was taken to unknown location, while the bloody crackdown by thai armed forces was taking place on May 19 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung) / 5월 19일 타이 군이 붉은 셔츠 시위대를 유혈진압하는 가운데 붉은 셔츠 시위대가 포로로 잡혀 어딘가로 끌려가고 있다. (사진 : 이유경)
Photo story : Towards democracy or civil war (1)
Photographer’s note :
I’ve been following the red shirts protest in Bangkok, Thailand since its resumption on March 12 2010, nearly one year after the so called ‘Sonkran violence of 2009′ took place. Red shirts, officially known as United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship (or UDD), has proved that it has been volumed, well organized and become a grass roots based movement combined with democratic and progressive elements in the country. It has certainly outgrown the ousted prime minister Thaksin Sinawatra, whom many of red shirts support while some of red shirts don’t.
Unfortunately the photos which I took and will post in a “Series of Photo story on Thai crisis” wouldn’t show each and every single episode of the months-long protest, as I’ve missed a lot of significant moments, I confess. Yet, there is a stream of events in which, to my absolute hope, the visitors would catch a glim shot as to what has been happening on the ground.
- Penseur21 -
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Toward democracy or civil war
Series of Photo story on Thai crisis (1)
(April 9 ~ April 12 2010)
Lee Yu Kyung in Bangkok
“Our darkest hours”
The headline of The Nation, one of the English daily newspapers in Thailand reads on April 11. The country has witnessed one of the bloodiest crackdowns on street protesters a day earlier on April 10, as soldiers blocked anti-government reds protesters heading to protest site and triggered their guns at protesters, who otherwise would have remained in peaceful. The crackdown following the State of Emergency declared three days earlier has caused deadly clashes between security forces armed with tear gas, rubber bullets and live ammunitions and red shirts who were throwing whatever at their hands available. During the last moments of clashes, some men in black clad wearing red scarf at red sides have got involved in gun battle with security forces. Two of possibly allies of the gun men have prevent me from taking picture of their battle. They all rushed to be disappeared into dark after about half an hour gun battle to my witness. The clashes of the day have resulted in 25 killed, including one Japanese journalist and 5 soldiers, and more than 800 wounded. The most of casualties have occurred from 18:30 to 21:00 at Khok Wua intersection, nearby the popular tourist area Khaosan, and Dinso road nearby Democracy Monument.
‘Black Saturday’, however, has not terminated the political crisis in the country at all, as the government has insisted that it won’t give in to protesters’ demand, which is dissolution of the house and new election. Rather, the government vows to ‘reclaim’ red shirts-occupied Rajaprason, the central area of Bangkok, by enforcing rule of law, indicating another crackdown might be imminent. Red shirts, on their side, are firmly determined to stage a protest at Rajaprasong and central area ‘indefinitely’. (as of in mid-April)
Tens of thousand red shirts protesters were gathering near 'Thai com', the satellite provider of its mouth piece 'P Channel' in Pathumthani province in a protest against blockade of the channel by the authority. After protest P channel was on air shortly before agains being blacked out by the authority. The blockade of P Channel has directed red shirts protester to extreme anger, which expressed out in violence next day during the deadly clashes with security forces. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A soldier hold up the red scarf, which seemed to be given by red shirts protesters, after small skirmish with red shirts protesters near Thai Com in Pathumthani province on April 9. As the government has cut off transmission of the red shirts’ mouth piece TV, ‘People Channel’ (or ‘D station’) along with the independent website Prachatai and hundreds others, thousands of red shirts protesters staged a demonstration at Thai Com, which is a satellite provider of P channel. The blockade of critical media has fuelled extreme anger among red shirts protesters who had eventually turned to be violent next day. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
- Some hundreds of red shirts protesters were blocked by the armed forces near government house, as they were heading to the main protest site at Fhan Fa bridge on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Hundreds of red shirts protester clashed with armed soldiers near government house midday of April 10, as they were blocked their way for Phan Fa bridge, where red shirts’ main stage has been set up. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
An angry protester was shouting at the soldiers at midday of April 10, as they were blocked their way to Phan Fa bridge, where red shirts has set up their main stage. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Army were shouting back at protesters (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Red shirts protesters took sticks from the collapsed army barricade, after they pushed out the army lines near government house on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
The army fired water cannon at anti government red shirts protesters near government house on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
The army were deployed in ‘ready-to-shoot’ position at Phitsanulok road near government house, after they controlled the road by clearing off anti government red shirts protesters. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A protester hold up his two arms to show 'no weapon but non-violent protester' in an attempt to pass through lines of army on April 10. However armed forces on that day blocked red shirts' movement around, causing violent clashes between armed forces and protesters of the day. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
The armed forces confronted with red shirts protesters in Bankok on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
The armed forces confronted with red shirts protesters in Bankok on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Security forces were all geared up to confront with red shirts protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Thousands of red shirts protesters nearby Khaosan, the popular tourist area and Democracy Monument have deadly clashes with security forces, which fired live bullets as well as rubber bullets at protesters. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Thousands of red shirts protesters nearby Khaosan, the popular tourist area and Democracy Monument have deadly clashes with security forces, which fired live bullets as well as rubber bullets at protesters. Till the fighting was ceased night time, 21 killed and more than 800 wounded. However, death tolls have been increased up to 25 as of April 21, as some of the injured were in serious condition. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A protester was injured in his shoulder during the deadly clashes between armed forces and red shirts protesters at Khok Wua intersection on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
One injured protester was rush to be brought to the ambulance while deadly clashes between armed forces and red shirt protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A protester was killed as he shot in his head during the deadly clashes between security forces and red shirts protesters at Khok Wua intersection on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Grenade exploded while chaotic street battle between security forces and red shirts protesters on April 10 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
As fighting between security forces and red shirts protesters were intensified, some protesters used shields, which they seemed to take from soldiers. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Once peaceful red shirts protesters, however, have deadly clashes with security forces, which fired live bullets as well as rubber bullets at protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Gunmen showed up at red side to wage a gun battle at last moment of fighting on April 10. While red shirts has denied of its involvement in it, there's been rumors around that some disgruntled soldiers and retired generals' involvement or infiltration to 'help' reds. Image captured from a video clip (by Lee Yu Kyung)
Anti-government red shirts protesters, who had kept peaceful gathering for a month, have deadly clashes with security forces, who fired live bullets as well as rubber bullets and tear gas at them. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Red shirts protesters were looking at blood stains at Din So road nearby Democracy Monument after deadly clashes between armed forces and red shirts protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Red shirts protesters were looking at blood stains at Din So road nearby Democracy Monument after deadly clashes between armed forces and red shirts protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Red shirts protesters and monks were looking at blood stains in front of tanks, which were abandoned by armed forces at Din So road after deadly clashes between security forces and red shirts protesters. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A red shirt protester looking at inside of the tank, which was abandoned by armed forces after deadly clashes with red shirts protesters on April 10. (Photo by Lee Yu KYung)
Red shirts stand upon the abandoned tanks in Din So road, where deadly clashes between security forces and red shirts protesters took place. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Democracy monument at Rachadamneon decorated by red shirts protesters. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Family of victims, who were killed on April 10 during the deadly clashes with security forces, were gathering at police general hospital on April 12. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
- The site where the slain Japanese journalist Hiro Muramoto (42) was supposed to be shot dead in his chest. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Thousands of red shirts protesters demonstrated near the residence of Prime Minister at Sukumvit on April 12, as they marched with coffins of slain proesters two days earlier. They vowed to continue their protest until the house dissolved. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
to be continued…
Forgotten Guerrillas
“I’ve lost 12 friends of mine during Saffran revolution in 2007. Now I’ve been here for a real revolution”
A new cadre of All Burma Student Democratic Front (or ABSDF)
Backgrounds
All Burma Student Democratic Front (or ABSDF) is an armed group, which has been fighting against the Burma’s military rulers since 1988. It was founded in November 1st in 1988, as a product of the popular 88 uprising in Burma. Back then, not only students but also various walks of lives, who had fled the country to jungle, have joined the uniquely named ‘student insurgency’ group. However, it had undergone factional division in early 90s, which is said to be a common phenomenon among Burmese movements. The two factions were later on united after the fall of Manerplaw in 1996, which was considered as a significant loss for ABSDF let alone for the Karen National Liberation Army (or KNLA).
ABSDF apparently has been decaying out for the past decade. The Bush’s doctrine of ‘War on terror’, global abhorrence on armed struggle and ‘non violence’ dominating NGOs trend in Burmese movement along with its own shortcomings all have affected the student armed group to put them at a loss. It’s slowly become a “forgotten guerrilla”.
ABSDF has headquarted in Wei Gyi at the bank of Salween River in Karen state. It also has positioned some parts of Papun district in Northern Karen state and elsewhere in Burma. Despite its weakness, ABSDF has welcomed new recruits, who have joined in it after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007. Some dozens of new arrivals have taken military training in early 2008 according to the organization. The forgotten guerrilla group has now looked forward to having new generation to challenge forced recruits touted-Burmese army.
ABSDF cadres in Wei Gyi headquarter (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are having lunch in Wei Gyi head quarter. As the organization has had financial problem for long, its cadres usually take a simple meal, often twice a day. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are having a tea at a shop nearby their Wei Gyi head quarter. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
KNLA and ABSDF combined team patrols parts of Brigade 5 area, as there’s possibility of SPDC military offensive after “Brigade 7”, the southern Karen State, has fallen to the DKBA and Burma Army combined-forces. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
U Tin Shwe (72) is a monk living in a jungle of Wei Gyi. His life has dramatically turned its faces a few times. Originally from Karen community, he had served Burma Army from 1962 till 1978. After resignation from the Army, he has been a KNU informer in his hometown for nearly 10 years until he fled to a jungle to join ABSDF after 88 uprising. As he’s got too old to take jungle trekking as a guerrilla force, he has decided to become a monk since 2002 after consulting with the group’s leadership. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadre goes along the Salween River, where a number of its cadres have drowned for decades. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
An ABSDF cadre is listening to radio news. As like many Burmese in and out of the country, ABSDF cadres do catch radio news from VOA, RFA and BBC. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Sein Lin (31) used to be a SPDC army. He had deserted the Army in 1999 to come over to ABSDF’s side. He is mainly in charge of cooking. As the SPDC has a history of forcible recruitment of youth and children in Burma, many of its soldiers have deserted the Army and often ran into the insurgency controlled territory. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
Tun Tun Wing (28) has lost his right arm, as he got shot by Burma Army while he’s been in Bilin township in Mon state to collect some materials for his organization in September 2007. Without first aid for his injury, he had had to travel through jungle with help of his colleagues and villagers for 3 weeks to reach to the border area. And then he headed for Chiang Mai hospital in northern Thailand, where he has received a treatment for two months. After one month in a hospital, however, he’s told by doctor that his injured arm got to be amputated due to spread infection. Tun Tun Wing has joined the ABSDF back in 1998 after witnessing atrocities by Burmes forces, who forced villagers to be porters in his home town for so long. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A new cadre of ABSDF, who has joined the armed struggle after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007, holds AK47 rifle. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
A new cadre of ABSDF, who has joined the armed struggle after the monks-led Saffran revolution in 2007, is sitting before the childhood picture of the former ABSDF member, who’s now living in the US, and the picture of the pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
ABSDF cadres are watching the footage of the organization’s struggle. As electricity is not available in a jungle, they rarely use generator, which can be operated with oil, since years ago. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
폭력과 아편의 승리, 어둠의 휴일을 맞다
▣ 카불·낭가르하르·페샤와르=글·사진 이유경 국제분쟁 전문기자 penseur21@hotmail.com
“소련 점령보다 괴로웠고, 탈레반 통치보다 잔인했다.”
1992년 4월28일 아프가니스탄의 수도 카불에 무력으로 입성한 무자헤딘은 더 이상 대소 항쟁의 해방군이 아니었다. 그날 이후 4년 반 동안 종파와 인종으로 갈린 무장 권력투쟁을 벌여 카불을 쑥대밭으로 만든 장본인들이다. 그리고 15년이 흘렀다. 팡파르가 울려퍼지고, 군 퍼레이드가 화려하게 펼쳐지고 있다. 이날은 무자헤딘 승전 기념일이다. 납치, 강간, 절도 그리고 머리에 못을 박는 끔찍한 고문을 자행하던 사령관들을 기억하는 카불 시민들에게 이날은 ‘블랙 홀리데이’다.
멀리 우람한 산맥이 바라다 보이는 아프가니스탄 동부 낭가르하르의 들판에서 아편 박멸작업이 한창이다. 가난한 아프간 농민에게 아편재배는 때로 유일한 생계수단이다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
전범재판에 세워도 시원찮은 그들은 ‘민주화된’ 아프간에서 텔레비전에 등장하는 장관이고, 국회의원이고, 지역 군벌들이다. 국내외 인권단체들이 전범 기록을 꺼내들 때면 ‘대소 항쟁’을 들이대며 입 닥치라고 협박하는 ‘성스러운 전사’들이다. 사령관들의 컴백. 우연인지 필연인지 그게 다시 아편을 불러들였다. 국제사회가 퍼부어댄 돈이 사령관들의 주머니와 배를 채우는 사이, 그때나 지금이나 배고픈 농민들은 아편 재배로 몰리고 있다. ‘아편 박멸’ 작업으로 이따금 쑥대밭이 되기도 하지만 아편이 박멸될 것 같진 않다. 가난한 밭을 ‘골라’ 박멸하고, 사령관들의 밥줄은 건드리지 않는 게 단속반의 비공식 규율이기 때문이다. 사령관들을 권좌에 다시 불러들인 ‘해방전쟁’ 5년 반. 그 전쟁이 낳은 사생아 ‘아프간 마약대국’은 이제 곧 여섯 살이 된다.
한 아프간 농부가 수확한 양귀비 열매에서 채취한 붉으스름한 생아편 즙을 들어 보이고 있다. 농민들은 수확기에 이렇게 긁어 모은 생아편을 밀수조직에 넘겨 얻은 수익으로 한해살이를 한다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
4월29일 미군의 공격으로 6명의 주민이 목숨을 잃은 쉬르겔 마을에선 ‘어린이 부상자’도 쉽게 만날 수 있었다. 한 어린이가 채 아물지 않은 그날의 상처를 내보이고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
아편 박멸작업은 아프간에서 ‘공무’다. 10여 명의 일꾼들이 작업에 나선 현장에도 중무장한 경찰 병력이 어김없이 동원된다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
하미드 카르자이 아프간 대통령이 지난 4월28일 무자헤딘 승전 15주년 기념일을 맞아 수도 카불에서 군 수뇌부와 함께 퍼레이드에 나섰다. 아프간 민중을 옥죄어온 군벌들은 ‘성스러운 전사’로 둔갑해 이날 카르자이 대통령에게 훈장을 받았다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
외국군대 없이는 수도 카불조차 지키지 못하는 아프간 군대. 아프간 새해 경축행사를 벌이고 있다. (Photo by Lee, Yu-Kyung)
source : http://www.hani.co.kr/section-021027000/2007/05/021027000200705170660012.html
히말라야 붉은 골짜기
Home > 만평/사진 > 펼쳐진 세상 기사목록 > 기사내용 2006년06월08일 제613호
▣ 람중(네팔 중서부)=이유경 분쟁지역 취재전문 자유기고가
민주 공화국 향한 무장 투쟁 10년, 네팔 공산당 마오이스트… 험준한 산악 넘어 영토 3분의 2에 퍼진 인민의 꿈은 계속된다
굳었던 표정에 미소가 번졌다. 한번 웃음이 터진 얼굴은 좀처럼 다시 굳어지지 않았다. 맞다! 언제나 처음이 힘든 법이다.
“타파이 메로 보이니(너는 내 여동생), 타파이 메로 바아이(너는 내 남동생).”
되지도 않는 네팔어를 쏟아내며 그들 사이에 나를 마구 집어넣었다. 가족관계를 캐물었고, 고향과 가족이 그리울 그들의 향수도 자극해봤다. “이 사람이 우리 오빠. 울 언니는 저기 있어요.” 삼남매는 이 골짜기에서 함께 생활하고 있었다. 운동화도 있고 가끔 샌들도 신지만, 슬리퍼와 ‘쫄조리’도 심심찮게 보인다. 험준한 산악을 넘나드는 그 발에 저 신발들이 어찌 배겨날까 싶다.
마을 주민들이 모여있는 집회 장소에 속속 도착하고 있는 인민해방군 대원들. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
네팔 공산당 마오이스트(CPN-Maoist) 인민해방군(PLA). 그들이 모인 건 ‘땅’을 위해서도, ‘약’을 위해서도, ‘다이아몬드’를 위해서는 더더욱 아니다. 절대왕정 봉건사회를 끝장내고 평등 공화국을 이루겠다는 이데올로기 하나로 버텨온 공산주의 무장투쟁이 벌써 10년 세월을 맞고 있다.
10년 전, 쿠쿠리(농기구의 일종)를 들었던 손에는 지금 미제 총이 들려 있다. 정렬된 열 앞에는 벨기에에서 건너온 기관소총이 폼 나게 놓여 있다. ‘적’인 정부군 덕분에 무기는 점점 현대화돼가지만 여전히 사제폭탄도 유용하다. 10년 전, 40명에서 시작한 투쟁은 지금 약 2만~3만(추정치)의 전사로 불어났다. 이들의 물질적 기반은 오직 ‘인민’뿐. 강제 모금 논란이 불거질 때마다 지도부는 이렇게 되받았다. “이 많은 수를 어떻게 먹여살리란 말이냐! 부상자 치료는 어떻게 하고!”
마오이스트 혁명은 ‘아직’ 실패하지 않았다. 엊그제 무너진 왕실 정부의 내무부 장관 카말 타파는 이렇게 거짓말을 하곤 했다. “대체 네팔 영토 어디가 마오이스트 통제지역이라는 거야. 왕실군(RNA)이 가지 못하는 땅은 단 1cm도 없어!” 1cm 따위가 아니다. 네팔 전역 3분의 2 이상 그들은 감히 들어가지 못한다. 네팔 영토의 약 80%는 산악지대이고, 그 영토 ‘대부분’은 마오이스트가 실질적으로 통제하고 있다.
그들은 이동을 멈추지 않는다. 상설 기지는 없다. 인민정부, 인민재판, 인민경찰. 모든 조직은 ‘모바일’, 이동조직이다. 혁명도 전쟁도 멈추지 않는다. 완전한 민주공화국, 봉건계급 철폐를 쟁취하기 전까지는. 빼어난 아름다움의 히말라야 골짜기는 지금 그 혁명의 길에서 붉게 물들어가고 있다.
마오이스트 인민해방군의 여전사들. 전체 규모의 약 1/3을 차지하는 것으로 알려졌다.(Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
한 대원이 식사 중 환하게 웃고 있다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
마을 주민들 앞에서 공연하고 있는 마오이스트 문화선봉대 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
주민들 앞에서 정렬중인 인민해방군 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
네팔 공산당 마오이스트(CPN-Maoist) 인민해방군(PLA) 제 XX 대대가 정렬해있다 (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
마오이스트 문화선봉대 소녀들. 좀처럼 웃지 않던 소녀들이 카메라 앞에서 힘껏 웃어주었다. (Photo by Lee Yu Kyung)
source : http://www.hani.co.kr/section-021027000/2006/06/021027000200606080613033.html
네팔의 타는 목마름
▣ 카트만두=이유경 penseur21@hotmail.com
“공화국 쟁취의 그날까지….”
최루탄과 고무총탄이 난무했다. 성난 시위대는 벽돌을 깨 던지며 저항에 나섰다. 급기야 실탄이 등장했다. 저항은 더욱 거세졌다. 네팔 의회당과 공산당(마르크스레닌주의연합) 등 7개 정당연합(SPA) 주도로 4월6일 총파업이 시작된 이후 네팔 전역이 피로 흥건하다.
Photo by Lee Yu Kyung
시위가 벌어지는 거리의 뒷골목마다 총을 든 군인들이 배치됐다. 정부 공식 발표로만 이미 5명이 숨지고, 중상자를 포함해 수백 명이 다쳤다. 시위대 1천여 명이 체포됐지만, 들끓는 거리의 함성은 사그라질 줄 몰랐다. 집권 14개월여 만에 최대 정치적 위기에 몰린 갸넨드라 국왕은 1주일의 침묵 끝에 ‘대화’에 나설 뜻을 밝혔지만, 야당세력은 이를 거부했다. 걷잡을 수 없이 커져만 가는 민주화의 외침은 부패한 절대왕정의 몰락을 가져올 것인가?
source : http://www.hani.co.kr/section-021035000/2006/04/021035000200604190606040.html
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